Third World Benefit Fraud Rife In Britain as Colonisation Speeds Up
Sun, 03/10/2010 - 18:33 | News Team
By MaidofKent—The increasing numbers of Third World immigrants present in Britain has generated a massive wave of corruption and benefit fraud which the media is doing its best to cover up by claiming that the increasingly long list of swindlers are “British.”
Evidence of Third World fraud and corruption in the UK caused by the importation of people from Africa was highlighted once again when a couple, identified as Abiodun Olaleye, 50, and his wife Olanrewaju, 49, were sentenced to imprisonment for benefits fraud at Southend Crown Court last week.
The two, which media reports said were “from Romford in Essex,” claimed almost £150,000 in benefits for 10 fictitious children and managed to buy 4 homes from the proceeds of their crime against the British taxpayer.
Their punishment, deemed suitable by our out-of-touch justice system, was 20 months in prison for Abiodun Olaleye and a 6 month suspended prison sentence plus Community Service for his wife.
Despite having names that no indigenous Briton could pronounce properly, the media seeks to hide the fact that these criminals are not natives of our country and are certainly not from Romford.
The couple will face a confiscation hearing later to decide how much of this stolen money they will have to pay back.
British people may wonder how our welfare system can be cheated of such vast amounts by foreigners and may why the criminals are handed such pathetic sentences, not to mention the fact that there was nary a mention of a deportation order for these criminals.
The fact that foreigners like the Olaleyes can come to this country, be handed British passports and then end up milking the benefits system of £150,000 betrays the lie of successive governments that immigrants are here to do the jobs that the British people cannot or will not do.
The Olaleye case is merely the latest in a long line of cases.
In August, for example, Newham Council fraud investigator Badrul Islam was convicted of running a benefits scam for the past 18 months, in which he diverted over £200,000 in “ghost rent” payments.
Islam, 46, had been working for Newham council since 1994 and was a trusted senior benefits officer. Investigators discovered that Islam had created a series of claims in the names of people who had previously been claimants but were no longer receiving money.
Islam also reactivated dormant claims but instead of sending the money to individual landlords, he diverted large amounts to the offices of property agent and landlord Dulal Haque, 40, and to his friend Moinuddin Ahmed, also a landlord. All three were born in Bangladesh.
In June this year, Iraqi “asylum seeker” Mahira Rustam Al-Azawi, 49, was convicted of fraud after using a series of false identities to milk the benefit system over an eight year period. Although she never worked, she was able to purchase three properties – two of which she rented out – worth in excess of £1million and her 18-year-old son was educated at Colfe’s School, in South-East London, where fees are currently £4,164 a term.
The fraud was uncovered only when Al-Azawi uccessfully applied for a student loan to study civil engineering at Greenwich University. When police raided her £800,000 detached home in Bromley, they found what was described as an ‘Aladdin’s cave’ of false documents, including a selection of passports, identity papers and driving licences.
During her trial at Croydon Crown Court, it emerged that she had claimed for income support, housing and council tax benefits in her own name, as well as those of her cousin and mother.
Earlier this year, a Chinese couple were imprisoned after being convicted of making £500,000 from a plan to help immigrants stay in the UK illegally using hundreds of fake university documents.
Haiyang Liu, 29, and his girlfriend Jiao Wang, 26, ran a lucrative internet scam selling bogus diploma certificates to people desperate to stay in the country through the firm E-Fly Education. The sophisticated forgeries earned the 'well organised criminals' between £500 and £3,000 and duped the Home Office into handing out student visas.
During the two-year fraud immigrants were also provided with papers enabling them to claim council tax handouts from local councils.
A Sunday Times investigation last year found that immigrants were even smuggling babies into Britain to enable them to make up fake benefit claims. Forged immigration documents and employment records are used in the multi-million pound scam, and in many cases the children are taken from families with the knowledge of their parents, the paper said.
A special team set up to investigate the problem in London has identified 119 potential child trafficking victims in the capital with more than 1,500 convictions between them.
Sunday, October 3, 2010
Saturday, September 25, 2010
Police State Has Labelled 280,000 Children as “Racists”
Police State Has Labelled 280,000 Children as “Racists”
Thu, 23/09/2010 - 19:13 | BNP News
Nearly a third of a million British children as young as three years-old have been put onto a database of “racists” because of a stipulation in the Race Relations Act of 2000 which obliges teachers to report any language would could be interpreted as insulting to other races.
The shocking statistic, indicative of the madness to which political correctness has sunk under the Labour-Tory-Lib Dem insanity, emerged in Freedom of Information replies obtained by the Manifesto club, a left-leaning civil liberties group.
The reports showed that between 2002 and 2009, 280,000 incidents of “racist language” muttered by schoolchildren aged three and up had been reported.
According to media reports, the Race Relations Act forced all public authorities “‘to promote good relations between persons of different racial groups.”
All details of the incidents are logged onto databases held by the Government, which means that an innocent remark made by a four-year-old now, will become a permanent part of that individual’s state records for the rest of his or her life.
In terms of the Act, teachers are instructed to report “racism” even if the “victim” was not offended or if the child does not understand what they were saying.
This horrific intrusion into our nation’s civil liberties, decency and common sense was supported by all the Westminster parties when it was put before Parliament, so none can say they did not know or support this fascist dictate.
How much more has to happen before the British public understand that they are sleepwalking into a nightmare police state which will make even KGB officers blush?
The British National Party represents our last hope against the evil tide which threatens to destroy forever all the things which made our nation great.
The BNP dedicates itself to the expunging of this evil known as the race relations industry and all its associated laws and organisation from the body politic of our nation.
Thu, 23/09/2010 - 19:13 | BNP News
Nearly a third of a million British children as young as three years-old have been put onto a database of “racists” because of a stipulation in the Race Relations Act of 2000 which obliges teachers to report any language would could be interpreted as insulting to other races.
The shocking statistic, indicative of the madness to which political correctness has sunk under the Labour-Tory-Lib Dem insanity, emerged in Freedom of Information replies obtained by the Manifesto club, a left-leaning civil liberties group.
The reports showed that between 2002 and 2009, 280,000 incidents of “racist language” muttered by schoolchildren aged three and up had been reported.
According to media reports, the Race Relations Act forced all public authorities “‘to promote good relations between persons of different racial groups.”
All details of the incidents are logged onto databases held by the Government, which means that an innocent remark made by a four-year-old now, will become a permanent part of that individual’s state records for the rest of his or her life.
In terms of the Act, teachers are instructed to report “racism” even if the “victim” was not offended or if the child does not understand what they were saying.
This horrific intrusion into our nation’s civil liberties, decency and common sense was supported by all the Westminster parties when it was put before Parliament, so none can say they did not know or support this fascist dictate.
How much more has to happen before the British public understand that they are sleepwalking into a nightmare police state which will make even KGB officers blush?
The British National Party represents our last hope against the evil tide which threatens to destroy forever all the things which made our nation great.
The BNP dedicates itself to the expunging of this evil known as the race relations industry and all its associated laws and organisation from the body politic of our nation.
Sunday, September 19, 2010
Defence Budget Cuts: £9.2 Billion. Foreign Aid Budget: £9.1 Billion
Defence Budget Cuts: £9.2 Billion. Foreign Aid Budget: £9.1 Billion
Thu, 16/09/2010 - 20:25 | BNP News
The ConDem regime has ordered defence budget cuts of up to £9.2 billion (the equivalent of the foreign aid budget) while still expecting the army to continue to fight the regime’s illegal foreign wars without proper equipment.
On the same day that the all-party Commons Defence Committee issued a report which said that cuts to the defence budget will undermine the Armed Forces’ ability to defend Britain, David Cameron boasted in parliament about the foreign aid allocation.
Speaking during Prime Minister’s Questions, Mr Cameron boasted that Britain could “hold its head up high” because the foreign aid budget is not being cut back even though all services to British people, including those of securing the borders and defence funding, are being drastically cut.
The ConDem regime has committed itself to increasing the foreign aid budget from its current £9 billion to £13 billion, despite announcing cuts of 25 percent and more in the police, border and defence budgets. Mr Cameron’s announcement was greeted with praise and admiration by the rest of Parliament.
Meanwhile, the Commons Defence Committee report said that the cuts will “jeopardise troop operations” and the army’s capacity to “sustain current in-use capabilities and therefore current operations could well be put at risk by the proposed cuts.”
In other words, Mr Cameron is not only committed to keeping British troops in Afghanistan, but also to deliberately underfunding them.
This was exactly what the Conservatives, when still in opposition, accused the Labour regime of doing.
Now, however, as the reality of the Tory regime becomes ever clearer, it is apparent that the Labour Party’s policy of underfunding the army while committing it to foreign wars is being implemented with gusto by the ConDem government.
In February this year, for example, Mr Cameron accused then Prime Minister Gordon Brown in parliament of sending troops to Iraq and Afghanistan without the proper equipment.
In Commons question time exchanges, Mr Cameron accused Mr Brown of "ignoring the welfare" of the armed forces, pointing out that the Labour government had so underfunded the military that former defence secretary Geoff Hoon had gone on public record as saying that the air force now had fewer helicopters because of Mr Brown’s decisions.
In a staggering display of hypocrisy which has become the hallmark of the ConDem regime, Mr Cameron went on to say that “"We've had soldier after soldier complaining about lack of body armour, vehicles and equipment.”
But now that he is in 10 Downing Street, Mr Cameron has announced cuts to the military which not even the Labour government dared consider – all the while demanding of our heroes that they continue with their mission impossible in Afghanistan.
The British National Party will launch its “Support our troops, bring our boys home” campaign this coming weekend to underline the party’s demand that the Labour and ConDem regimes have abused our troops for their evil and illegal wars.
The only solution to the problem is to end the wars with immediate effect and bring our soldiers home without delay. The BNP will be circulating petitions calling for the withdrawal of our troops starting this coming Saturday.
Thu, 16/09/2010 - 20:25 | BNP News
The ConDem regime has ordered defence budget cuts of up to £9.2 billion (the equivalent of the foreign aid budget) while still expecting the army to continue to fight the regime’s illegal foreign wars without proper equipment.
On the same day that the all-party Commons Defence Committee issued a report which said that cuts to the defence budget will undermine the Armed Forces’ ability to defend Britain, David Cameron boasted in parliament about the foreign aid allocation.
Speaking during Prime Minister’s Questions, Mr Cameron boasted that Britain could “hold its head up high” because the foreign aid budget is not being cut back even though all services to British people, including those of securing the borders and defence funding, are being drastically cut.
The ConDem regime has committed itself to increasing the foreign aid budget from its current £9 billion to £13 billion, despite announcing cuts of 25 percent and more in the police, border and defence budgets. Mr Cameron’s announcement was greeted with praise and admiration by the rest of Parliament.
Meanwhile, the Commons Defence Committee report said that the cuts will “jeopardise troop operations” and the army’s capacity to “sustain current in-use capabilities and therefore current operations could well be put at risk by the proposed cuts.”
In other words, Mr Cameron is not only committed to keeping British troops in Afghanistan, but also to deliberately underfunding them.
This was exactly what the Conservatives, when still in opposition, accused the Labour regime of doing.
Now, however, as the reality of the Tory regime becomes ever clearer, it is apparent that the Labour Party’s policy of underfunding the army while committing it to foreign wars is being implemented with gusto by the ConDem government.
In February this year, for example, Mr Cameron accused then Prime Minister Gordon Brown in parliament of sending troops to Iraq and Afghanistan without the proper equipment.
In Commons question time exchanges, Mr Cameron accused Mr Brown of "ignoring the welfare" of the armed forces, pointing out that the Labour government had so underfunded the military that former defence secretary Geoff Hoon had gone on public record as saying that the air force now had fewer helicopters because of Mr Brown’s decisions.
In a staggering display of hypocrisy which has become the hallmark of the ConDem regime, Mr Cameron went on to say that “"We've had soldier after soldier complaining about lack of body armour, vehicles and equipment.”
But now that he is in 10 Downing Street, Mr Cameron has announced cuts to the military which not even the Labour government dared consider – all the while demanding of our heroes that they continue with their mission impossible in Afghanistan.
The British National Party will launch its “Support our troops, bring our boys home” campaign this coming weekend to underline the party’s demand that the Labour and ConDem regimes have abused our troops for their evil and illegal wars.
The only solution to the problem is to end the wars with immediate effect and bring our soldiers home without delay. The BNP will be circulating petitions calling for the withdrawal of our troops starting this coming Saturday.
Sunday, September 5, 2010
Sex, Manipulation, Lies and Subversion — Real Life Studies of Anti-Nationalist Dirty Tricks
Sex, Manipulation, Lies and Subversion — Real Life Studies of Anti-Nationalist Dirty Tricks
Sat, 04/09/2010 - 15:59 | News Team
Vital reading for all BNP members! In this important article, Nick Griffin gives us an in-depth account and provides real-life examples of how opposition 'moles' strive to disrupt and divide nationalist parties. Once you've read this, you'll have a much better understanding of what is really behind the current wave of 'internal' and media attacks on our party.
"Those who refuse to learn from history are condemned to repeat it."
Very few BNP members have been actively taken in by the campaign of attempted destabilisation currently being waged against both the party itself and its elected leadership. But rather more are at present somewhat bewildered by the ferocity of the assault and by the way in which several apparently very different strains of discontent have come together.
Everyone wants to know the answer to the same question: Why are people who have in the past seemed so devoted to our common Cause now doing all they can — including providing ammunition for our traditional enemies in the media - to try to destroy the party?
This is absolutely the right question to ask. And for those who haven't yet worked out the full picture for themselves, I hope that this analysis will help.
There are four key factors at work here:
First, there are the innocents who have been told lies or fed gossip by individuals they trust. Being innocent, they have believed at least some of what they have heard and, because it would be deeply worrying if true, have been conned into being deeply worried about the future of the party for which they and we have sacrificed so much.
I have no doubt that a significant number of those currently in the Butler camp come into this first category, and to them I simply say: "The British National Party's door, and my door, are still open to you. Come, individually, to us and tell us what you've heard that worries you so much that you have been taken in by people who are now very clearly trying to destroy the party.
We can talk about it, demolish their lies, shake hands and welcome you back. By the time the core parts of this article are read and digested by our party collectively, those who at present would tend to be unforgiving will have a far better idea of how good individuals have been conned and led astray.
From such understanding comes the opportunity for reconciliation. There are far too few genuine committed nationalists in Britain for us to quarrel and fight, or even to hold genuine mistakes against each other. Please come home!
Second, there are also formerly good nationalists who have become embittered by some personal grudge. This may be based on some genuine minor injustice they have suffered owing to a mistake or misjudgment by some key party official; we all make mistakes, myself included, and if anyone in this category has been wronged by me I am always happy to listen, apologise and make amends. In the meantime, I ask them not to take it out on the party as a whole by giving an ounce of backing to what we all know is an attempted demolition job.
On the other hand, several of the figures behind all the lies, half-truths and bullying that continue to spew from the present operation against the BNP hold grudges over matters for which they have merely received their just desserts.
When a thief is stopped or exposed, it's no surprise when he rails against those who found him out. When employees are found to be unwilling or incapable of performing their jobs to satisfactory standards, it's almost inevitable that they will cut up rough over being pulled up, disciplined or sacked. It's part of human nature to tend to be lazy, and it's equally part of human nature to resent being exposed as lazy and called to account.
In several of these cases I could have opted for an easy life by turning my blind eye to such failings. But I'm not here for an easy life, I'm here to get things done and to build an effective organisation.
Crooks, spongers and timewasters therefore have to go — so why should anyone be surprised or even worried when they take the first opportunity to get their revenge on me and on the organisation of which — through no one's fault but their own — they are no longer a useful part?
Thirdly, there are the plain jealous. In the roll call of homegrown troublemakers, there are always in any organisation a few whose opinion of themselves and their abilities is either so high that they will stop at no treachery or deceit to elbow their way to the front, or so low that their own sense of inferiority emerges as hatred for anyone who is competent, confident and well regarded by others.
Just as a group of teenage girls will often turn against the prettiest so as not to be outshone by her, so the Green Eyed God eats away at people's souls in adult politics.
So far, the various reasons for which disgruntled individuals can turn on their former friends and colleagues will be familiar to anyone who has ever been a member of any human organisation. In his sermon at the Indigenous Forum Family weekend the Rev. West told us how this ugly but understandable side of human nature even comes into play in the internal politics of the Church.
But now we come on to a factor which only affects radical political parties and pressure groups whose message, activities and indeed very existence pose a threat or potential threat to the State — or rather to those people, interest groups and ideologies which motivate and direct the State. This factor is deliberate infiltration by hostile individuals and the 'turning', whether through bribery, flattery or blackmail, of people who start off on the Light side and cross over to the Dark.
Let's get one thing straight right at the start of our examination of the problem of external infiltration and subversion: I am NOT saying that all those who fit into this category will necessarily have appeared to side with the 'Get Griffin' camp which has made so much empty noise recently. Of course, most will have done so, because turning good people against the current leadership is a highly effective way of wrecking any organisation.
But there is obviously mileage in the old 'good cop, bad cop' trick that has long been used by detectives trying to persuade suspects to confess. In the case of a political organisation this could easily be adapted to having a well-placed State or Searchlight 'mole' who is apparently 'loyal' to the leadership but who in fact is working to undermine faith in it.
This could be done, for example, by making deliberate mistakes in his or her job which annoy people and reflect badly on the leadership, giving ammunition to other plants or simple malcontents in the 'anti' camp. Or by playing on the normal personal dislikes and foibles that crop up in any joint human endeavour, telling lies designed to create and then mutually antagonise two sides.
There is no point speculating which individuals in the recent attempted wrecking operation have from the beginning been conscious enemies of the entire party. What is more fruitful is simply to provide you with the cast iron proof that such paid agents and traitors are not a figment of the imagination of the writers of TV series such as Spooks, but an all too real, clear and present danger to our Movement.
The very first thing to understand is that. just because someone does good work for the Cause, befriends you and buys pints all round, doesn't mean that they can't possibly be agents of the security services or their plausibly deniable catspaws in the Searchlight criminal conspiracy. These people have almost limitless money and decades of experience to pass to their agents and turncoats — and use both to get them into the best positions from which to do the most damage when the time comes to activate them.
Since the good people who are their eventual targets will take no notice of someone known only for doing very little badly, this means allowing such an 'asset' to make a valuable contribution to our Cause.
In the case, to give an example from a very different side of politics, of the IRA, it was routine practice for MI5 and military intelligence to allow their moles and assets to shoot lower level 'touts' (as informers are known over there) and to plant bombs in order to establish their credentials of 'good nationalists', in order that they be trusted with plans for even worse atrocities. Going leafleting in all weathers, putting money in the collection or helping us win some by-elections is nothing by comparison.
Most of our people are already well-aware of the fact that, despite our strict adherence to constitutional and peaceful campaigning, the Powers-That-Be regard our party as at least as big a threat to their control and ideas as the IRA ever was.
Anyone who doubts that need only compare the attitude of the 'mainstream' politicians and David Dimbleby to Gerry Adams and to me on our respective first appearances on Question Time. Then remember that these people went to the same schools and universities, move in the same social circles and dine in the same clubs as those who run the intelligence services. Hence it would be very odd indeed if their attitude to us was any less hysterical.
Add in the inbuilt Stalinist and tribal Zionist fanaticism of those running Searchlight and it becomes clear exactly why the BNP has been, is, and always will be the victim of the unwelcome attentions of a literally never-ending supply of plants and agents provocateurs.
Lest any unusually naive reader still have any doubts as to the truth of this basic fact of nationalist life, it is useful to look at four case studies involving the past subversion of British nationalist organisations:
SEX FOR INFLUENCE — the sordid history of Mrs. Gable.
In 1975, various young and not so young males in the National Front in London were pleased to see a young woman, Sonia Hochfelder, getting involved and active. Early suspicions over her potentially Jewish surname (an issue in an organisation heavily influenced by people who had served in Palestine up until 1948, and who had cut their political teeth under virtual siege by violent gangs of militant Zionist thugs) were allayed by her explanation that it was German.
Even initial doubters were won over by her eagerness to turn up on activities, reassuringly 'hardline' comments, and readiness to sleep with various other members — not all of whom knew that they weren't the only one. While not exactly a beauty, she was readily available, so various nationalist males did what came naturally.
So 'hardline' was young Sonia that by 1976, she was flirting politically — and a lot more personally — with various leading lights in Column 88, a lunatic- and informant riddled extremist group today roughly paralleled by the wilder fringes of the English Defence League (though anti-Jewish rather than anti-Muslim).
To put none too fine a point on it, young Sonia slept her way into positions which gave her access to gossip, intelligence and secrets in both organisations. And, having done so, she then began to use her position and inside knowledge to set people against each other and to undermine the morale and cohesion of her bedfellows and the wider movement. Her activities also contributed to the atmosphere of careless extremism which provided the media with material for smear stories designed to frighten off normal members of the public.
While some people had warned of what she was right from the start, but it still came as a shock to many when it emerged that Sonia Hochfelder was in fact an agent for Searchlight and a dedicated Jewish 'anti-fascist'.
While she did seem to get genuine sexual and psychological kicks from involvement with extremists and talk of violence, she was also ideologically motivated. Her father had fled to Britain as a socialist refugee when the Nazis marched into the Sudetanland. Brought up as a Marxist, she had joined the Communist Party at 16, before switching to a Maoist splinter group at the age of 18.
In Sonia's distinctly mixed up head, therefore, infiltrating the fascists wasn't just a big personal turn on, but also a heroic political adventure on behalf of her Marxist, Jewish, gay and coloured friends.
Gerry Gable later wrote this about Sonia, later to become his second wife and still today an active member of the Searchlight anti-nationalist conspiracy. A gushingly romanticised account of their spy-ring activities was published in the Independent on 22nd Feb 1997.
In addition to her specialised knowledge as a tax inspector, Sonia now also uses her experience as a very effective infiltrator/disrupter to teach a new generation of Searchlight spooks and grasses the tricks of the trade, and to brief and debrief them on their subversive activities.
The debriefings are particularly important, because they allow information collected by one agent to be fed to the others. The case of Andy Sykes, the Searchlight mole who became Bradford BNP Branch Organiser, and Jason Gwyn, the BBC infiltrator who used Syke's protection to make the Secret Agent smear 'documentary', shows how two operatives working to a co-ordinated plan are much more effective than two individuals working separately.
But for security reasons most moles and turncoats are 'run' without knowing each other, so their individual debriefs by experienced handlers like Mr. and Mrs. Gable are a crucial part of the whole operation, especially during one of their periodic campaigns of frantic subversion, when their various operatives are all used to inject as much poison into the nationalist body politic, and to target specific individuals for maximum effect.
How many of these creatures are there in our ranks at present? There is no way of knowing, but all experienced true nationalists will know that groups like Searchlight-UAF have along history of publishing detailed accounts not just of our major national events, but even of the goings on in many local BNP branches. That information can only come from their grasses, so there must be several dozen at least.
It would be very strange indeed if these people had not been active trying to spread alarm and division over the last couple of months, and if they are not right now agitating in support of Mr. Butler and in favour of some kind of split.
THE 'RESPECTABLE' WRECKER — the strange career of Paul Kavanagh
As the National Front rose to prominence in the mid-1970s, so did one of its newer recruits. Paul Kavanagh described himself as a businessman, wore the right suits and talked the right talk.
In a party desperately short of talented middle management and 'respectability', he quickly rose through the ranks. Industrious and apparently loyal, Kavanagh wasn't a great speaker, but he did try and, more important, he was constantly on the go, organising and attending activities in the London boroughs around his small but smart flat in the expensive Barbican development.
So when the NF launched its bid to buy a large prestige Headquarters building in London, the experienced and well-heeled Mr. Kavanagh seemed the natural and obvious choice to be given charge of setting up the holding company required — NF Properties. The fact that he packed it, and the local branches in the area, with people loyal to him, passed unnoticed in the excitement of raising the money, buying and converting the five floor Victorian warehouse in Great Eastern Street.
Kavanagh worked patiently until the 1979 General Election, then struck. Working harder than anyone had ever seen him work before, he ran a relentless campaign of black propaganda against the party leadership.
He and his clique — all trusted on account of the good work they had done in the past — regaled shocked and angry East London activists with lies about how John Tyndall and the NF's office staff were stealing all the money. Brown envelopes, mockingly marked "Members' Hard-Earned Cash" were supposedly waved around and blown with glee in pubs and Indian restaurants.
Not everyone fell for it, but enough did to give Kavanagh the head of steam to declare himself the leader of a 'reform' body, The NF Constitutional Movement, and to use this as the figleaf excuse to try to seize control of Excalibur House for his own faction.
The asset-grab was thwarted, but amid confident predictions that the Front itself was doomed to bankruptcy Kavanagh persuaded a significant number of well-meaning London activists to defect to his new party, which was also 'sold' as the antidote to the 'extremism' — both real and imagined — of the Front's elected leadership.
Was Paul Kavanagh perhaps just a conman trying to lie his rivals out of office in order to get his hands on a valuable piece of real estate? Those who saw him operate didn't believe so. For one thing, he kept his 'Con Movement' going well after the chance of making any money was long gone. It was a joke party right from the start, so the only purpose it served was to allow the media to portray the NF as hopelessly divided demoralising its existing members and put off potential new recruits from among the 10,000 enquiries it had received during the election.
Even more telling, Kavanagh had always claimed to be in business buying and selling machine tools. In the frenetic factionalism of late 1979, a fair few activists and officials visited him in his office and industrial unit. Machine tools were clearly visible, but not one moved for months.
A young NF member had a summer job on the switchboard, secretly passing to the party's proper leadership details of who was phoning the head of the artificial rebellion against financial impropriety that never was. One kind of call was noticeable by its total absence — no-one ever phoned to inquire about buying or selling a single piece of machinery. Not so much as a single nut or bolt!
The supposed business was clearly nothing more than a cover — there only to stop people asking how someone could afford to live and give so much time and energy to the Cause.
Nowadays, sadly, to use machine tools as a cover in de-industrialised Britain would raise more suspicions than it would allay. But plenty of other excuses could serve the same purpose — a well-paid job with a public sector employer who mysteriously showed no interest in or suffered any pressure over the presence of a high profile nationalist, for example. Or a fortuitous inheritance, generously spent in pursuit of the Greater Good. Wouldn't that be convincing — and noble? It would probably even fool some people for a while.
THE BOGUS LEADERSHIP CONTENDER — Searchlight's Ray Hill and the attack on British Movement.
While Paul Kavanagh was working to destroy the NF in its East London heartland, another enemy mole was brought into play in Leicester, where the party had achieved huge votes and acquired a local Headquarters building in Humberstone Road.
The NF AGM in 1979 witnessed the return to Britain of Ray Hill, a petty criminal who had been involved on the far-right scene in the 1960s before emigrating to South Africa. Hill had already concluded that betraying his nationalist comrades was more profitable than robbing cigarette machines, and was working for Searchlight.
As the following quotes illustrate, Hill's autobiography, The Other Face of Terror, provides valuable insights into the work of a Searchlight mole, and how such wretched creatures manipulate the naive and good-hearted into helping them to wreck nationalist organisations.
Successive editions of Searchlight magazine (in the days before the Internet the main tool used for injecting black propaganda into the nationalist movement) worked to build Hill up as a big fish. Settling in Leicester, he played a major role behind the scenes pushing for the creation of another splinter group, the British Democratic Party, and then ruining its naive leader with a fake gun-running scam.
"Between us, World in Action and Searchlight and myself ran such rings around the characters involved that they must have believed that the gods themselves were conspiring against them. When the dust settled, one of Britain's smaller but more promising right-wing parties lay in ruins and its leader was in exile in Ireland." (page 87)
Having played a small but significant role in helping to tear the NF apart — and destroyed perhaps the most promising party that emerged from the wreckage — Hill now switched to another target. The openly neo-Nazi British Movement had been founded by Colin Jordan, but by now was run by Mike McCloughlin, a Liverpudlian who in the course of the previous ten years had led the BM to a ten-fold increase in size.
Gable and Hill hatched a plan to deal with the threat, either by dividing and demoralising the British Movement so it fell below the size at which it could be effective, or — even better — saddle it with a leader who was actually a Searchlight agent. This was particularly attractive, as it would not only then be completely under control but could then also be used to siphon off the harder core elements of any genuine nationalist party into a bogus extremist safety valve, thus damaging two parties for the price of one.
Hill joined British Movement, taking with him some of the genuine but gullible nationalists he had lured out of the Front and into the BPD. With their help, and with the regular plugs in Searchlight about how good he was as an organiser, and how dangerous it would be if he became leader of the BM, he rapidly came to be seen as a serious heavyweight.
"The strategy we adopted envisaged that I would endeavour to establish myself as a rival to McLaughlin for the party leadership. As long as I recruited enough support, the plan could not fail. Either I would depose McLaughlin and then allow BM to collapse under leadership the like of which they would never have seen before, or McLaughlin would be forced to expel me, in which case I would split the party, taking as many members as possible with me." (page 133)
Central to the plan was a concerted effort to discredit McLaughlin by accusing him of failure and of financial impropriety:
"In private conversations with activists I missed no opportunity to make guarded suggestions that while I was out there on the 'front line' with them, McLaughlin was comfortably ensconced in North Wales 'raking in the membership fees'." (page 134)
As the lies and poison manufactured by Hill seeped through and undermined the BM, the Searchlight plotters began to work on the final stages of the plan — to get Hill expelled from the already weakened organisation, and then join up with John Tyndall (then leading the small and ineffective New National Front) in a new 'party of nationalist unity', in which Hill would already have enough influence to be able to set off a civil war in that in due course.
"If I could present a challenge to McLoughlin, and strongly make a case for unity, we could both tempt him into expelling me, in which case I could not be accused of splitting the movement, and prepare the ground for a significant number of BM members to leave with me, encouraged by the prospect of unification with another organisation.
"For the moment, I concentrated on building myself up as an alternative leader, assiduously cultivating activist members at every opportunity. I used the same old theme that the movement's leadership was stale, tired, lazy and probably corrupt and that Change was needed.... Some members even started muttering about having an election for a new leader." (page 137)
Faced with Hill's relentless campaign of black propaganda lies, McLaughlin did indeed expel him, and the naive members Hill had conned rose up in his defence:
"My expulsion caused a furore among the membership. In London Tony Malksi pledged his support for me..... at the next Leicester meeting, the members unanimously agreed that I should ignore McLoughlin's edict and carry on as local BM leader.... From around the country came similar declarations of support from groups of activists.... To all intents and purposes, BM was split down the middle." (page 141)
Backed by Searchlight's money and lawyers, Hill went on to issue a writ against McLaughlin for 'invalid' expulsion. The costs of contesting this added to the financial crisis caused by the split over Hill's removal and the artificially created worries over financial probity. Ground down by the character assassination and by the endless financial crisis, in September 1983 McLaughlin simply closed British Movement down.
Even before that happened, however, Hill had already taken enough members with him to join the newly-founded British National Party to be a major player in it. His autobiography includes a photo of him sharing the top table with John Tyndall at the press conference at which the BNP was launched in 1982, and another of him and Tyndall at the head of the new party's first march in London a few weeks later.
Hill was already in pole position to continue his work:
"Behind my involvement in the whole enterprise was the certain knowledge that as long as the process of splitting and fusion and then more splitting could be prolonged, no far-right group would be in a position to look outwards and project itself as a serious political force. At that time, we anticipated that we would later be in a position, if BNP began to grow, to split it down the middle by provoking a life or death leadership battle between myself and Tyndall, and then begin the cycle of internal war all over again. As it happened, the BNP never even began to show potential for growth, a factor which helped our later decision that I should go public." (page 165)
Ray Hill "came out" not long afterwards, in a Channel 4 documentary that cast him as the hero who had broken up the National Front, the British Democratic Party and the British Movement. In the case of the NF, that was a huge over-statement. In the case of the BDP and BM, it was all too true.
One man, having worked his way up, been a drinking mate and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with real nationalists in confrontations with the violent left, had set real comrades against each other and destroyed all they had achieved. Yet despite the clear evidence of what he had done, and despite repeated warnings from the more perceptive, some of those who had followed him didn't believe it until they heard his boastful confession on TV.
As our study of the parallel case of Sonia Hochfelder has already shown, such plants can also be female. When they are, they have the added advantage of being able to make allegations about sexual harassment or assault — a totally different line of attack to the financial impropriety trick but one which can be used in the same way.
When the now defunct Workers Revolutionary Party, for example, was proving a nuisance to the British State (at one point they had a daily newspaper, funded by Libya's Colonel Gadaffi), their leader Gerry Healy was repeatedly accused of molesting the idealistic but often neurotic young females who formed a high proportion of their recruits.
Internal jealousies, attention seeking, crude attempts at blackmail and straightforward Special Branch black propaganda lies about "cold, clammy hands" (the exact phrase used in a recent recycling of the tactic) combined to create a cloud of suspicion over the target, who — while undoubtedly a Marxist fanatic — appears to have been wholly innocent.
It was and is noticeable, however, that those involved in making unfounded allegations never have any assets and so are safe from any chance of having to provide evidence for their smears in a court of law.
POLICE PLANTS TOO — the State intervenes directly
So far we've looked mainly at plants who are almost certainly nothing more or less that assets of the sinister Searchlight operation. Unfortunately, however, it is not the only well-funded agency that runs agents and disrupters within radical organisations. The black propaganda campaign against the leader of the Workers Revolutionary Party, for instance, was the work of Special Branch and MI5, and it is a well documented fact that various such State agencies have long taken an unhealthy (for us) interest in the BNP.
On Sunday 14th March this year, The Observer ran two remarkable reports on the undercover life of a policeman member of a hitherto secret unit of the Metropolitan Police, the Special Demonstration Squad.
"Officer A — with a long ponytail, angry persona and willingness to be educated in the finer points of Trotskyist ideology — was never suspected by those he befriended of being a member of the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), a secret unit within Special Branch, whose job is to prevent violent public disorder on the streets of the capital. Known as the "hairies" due to the fact that its members do not have to abide by usual police regulations about their appearance, the unit consists of 10 full-time undercover operatives who are given new identities, and provided with flats, vehicles and "cover" jobs while working in the field for up to five years at a time.
"Officer A joined the SDS in 1993 after two years in Special Branch. It was a time of heightened tension between the extreme left and right and almost every weekend saw clashes between the likes of the Anti-Nazi League, Youth Against Racism, the British National Party and the National Front. The SDS is believed to have infiltrated all such organisations."
The second article is more valuable still. Entitled "Inside the lonely and violent world of the Yard s elite undercover unit," it reads:
"They got drunk together, stood shoulder to shoulder as they fought the police and far-right activists, and became so intimately acquainted with each other's lives that in the end they were closer than brothers. But it was all a sham. Hidden among the close-knit and highly motivated group of violent far-left activists was a serving police officer, operating deep undercover, whose presence was intended to bring the group to its knees.
"That man, known only as Officer A, has now come forward to give his account of the years he spent working for Scotland Yard's most secret unit, the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), on a mission to prevent disorder on the streets of London. For four years in the mid-1990s, he lived a double life six days a week, spending just one day a week with his wife and family.
"Week after week, year in and year out, he lived and breathed the life of a hardcore Trotskyist agitator with a passion for heavy drinking, a deep-seated hatred of the police and a predilection for extreme violence."
"I had a really good time with my targets and enjoyed their company enormously – here was a genuine bond. But I was never under any illusion about what I was there to do. They were not truly my friends. The friendship would last only up until the point when they found out what I really was. I was under no illusion about what would happen to me if they did."
Officer A allowed himself to be spotted and recruited by his target, and then agreed to attend a small demonstration the following weekend. When the event turned violent, he found himself standing next to his target and others from the group as they launched a series of attacks on uniformed police.... "That day developed into a major ruck. At the end no one would have believed I was a police officer."
Officer A wasn't the only one attacking his former colleagues. At the time of his deployment, other SDS officers had infiltrated opposing right-wing groups such as the BNP and Combat 18, as well as other far-left groups.
Once inside the groups they were ordered to infiltrate, it was relatively easy for SDS officers to rise to the top because they were often prepared to work long hours on boring, administrative jobs.
Having won the trust of several high-profile anti-facism and anti-racism activists on the far left, Officer A was ideally placed. Over the next two years he worked his way up to become branch secretary of Youth Against Racism in Europe, a leading anti-racist organisation that was a front for the far-left group Militant.
"You get given a file on your target that tells you everything you need to know. You become that person's brother. You know everything that makes them tick. You know how much they like to drink, you know where they like to drink. You know what kind of music they like, you know what kind of women they like. You become the brother they never knew they had. None of it is ever said to the target, it's far more subtle than that. The first time they get in the car, it will be just the right kind of music playing. The first time a redhead walks by it will be: 'God, I'm really into redheads.' It's all done fantastically cleverly.
"If someone started talking about getting good information from a female target, we all knew there was only one way that could have happened. They had been sleeping with them." He himself had slept with two members of his target group. Although not officially sanctioned, such activity among SDS officers – both male and female – was tacitly accepted and in many cases was vital in maintaining an undercover role. "You can't be in that world full-time for five years and never have a girlfriend or boyfriend. People would start to ask questions," said Officer A.
The most chilling part of the article is Officer A s assessment of the effectiveness of such tactics:
"If the SDS had been in existence at the time of the Suffragettes, their campaigns would never have got off the ground and would have been quickly forgotten.....Once the SDS get into an organisation, it is effectively finished."
Bear in mind that this is only one police squad, working only in London. Are there similar teams in the police forces of Merseyside, Yorkshire, Glasgow, etc? It would be strange if there weren't, wouldn't it?
After all, virtually every urban police force in Britain operates in the knowledge that one spark could set off an explosion of communal violence between various different ethnic and religious groups. Wouldn't the really odd thing be if the leftist/Common Purpose clones who have been put in charge of our police forces DIDN'T use their power and resources to try to destabilise the British National Party?
We see their orders being carried out every time venue owners are intimidated by police threats, so why should we have any doubts as to their capacity to use other dirty tricks against us in the shadows?
Then there are the national security services, who operate separately from the police, jealously guarding their own bureaucratic and intelligence empires, as well as doing the jobs for which they too are well paid. Chief among these is Britain's domestic intelligence service, MI5 (not to be confused with MI6, which handles foreign affairs intelligence matters.
MI5 has spent a hundred years monitoring and disrupting home-grown 'subversive' organisations. There is a small library of serious studies of its activities, many of which confirm that part of MI5's brief is to infiltrate and destabilise a wide variety of target groups, including the BNP.
To give just one example, in Defending The Realm - inside MI5 and the war on terrorism, published in 2003, Mark Hollingsworth and Nick Fielding note that: "...as the National Front declined into a mere rump, the British National Party has been seen as a more serious threat. By the early 1990s, MI5 had successfully recruited or turned several agents within the BNP, although they also retained some full-time active agents in the National Front."
The authors go on to point out that one of MI5's ways of justifying its continued huge budget in the wake of the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1989 has been to brief Ministers and journalists alike on the need to keep 'far-right extremists' under surveillance and control.
Would it not be really strange if these various State security bodies hadn't been mobilised to disrupt our General Election campaign, and if they weren't right now doing everything in their power to keep the disruption going - especially given the inevitable social and political impact of the gathering storm clouds of spending cuts, financial crises, the unwinnable Afghan War and the inevitability that, sooner or later, another Muslim terror plot will work?
Why would they not be working to hinder us from signing up the new recruits attracted by that campaign and from applying the lessons we've learned from that campaign to improve our organisation for the future? Stopping such things is exactly what they are paid for, and you can bet your life that they are at their work right now.
CONCLUSION
So now you know! Four different, real-life examples of the use of credible, long-term, at times popular and apparently sincere and constructive 'moles' who wreaked havoc in the British nationalist movement by playing on the honest naivety of some and the ambition or discontents of others.
In a way it's a frightening thought - that we're up against well-connected and massively funded opponents who have such a long track record of using a succession of plants and traitors to keep the nationalist movement in repeated factional convulsions designed to demoralise and demotivate.
But at least the hysterical desperation of their current efforts gives us an insight of just how frightened our opponents are of the formidable party machine that we have built together - and of the growing support it commands among huge numbers of ordinary Brits.
The more an individual involved is attacked with smears and demonisation propaganda, the more you know he or she is understood by our enemies to be vital to our continued progress.
Fortunately, the very fact that you now know their game gives you the moral shield and psychological armour you need to brush off the blows aimed at you and other sincere patriots by our most dangerous and relentless enemies.
How can you tell friend from such camouflaged foes? Clearly, as the case studies above show very well, their training and collective experience makes it virtually impossible to catch them out for certain. Only occasionally do Searchlight allow one of their top moles to 'come out' for the purposes of a sensationalist TV programme, only once in a blue moon does a police officer end up going rogue and suing over stress.
So you have to make up your mind on the balance of probability rather than absolute proof. So don't judge people who claim to be sincere nationalists on how they look or sound, or on what they claim to be. Judge them simply on the crucial question: Is what they are doing good or bad for the British National Party?
Are they encouraging activism or apathy?
Are they trying to raise money or to stop people giving?
Are they telling the truth or spreading lies?
If there is a genuine problem (for no party is perfect) are they quietly taking it to the people who could do something about it, or are they plastering it all over the Internet to the delight of our external enemies?
Are they being attacked by the ruthlessly controlled and anti-British mainstream media, or are they suddenly in favour with the papers, the BBC and Rupert Murdoch's Sky News?
Are they brutally attacked on the far-left blogs and crank neo-Nazi forums, or are they treated with kid gloves by such enemies of our Cause?
If you read what they write or listen to what they say, do you feel enthused, enlightened and more determined than ever to win our sacred struggle? Or do they leave you sad, worried and demotivated?
The answers to those questions will tell you all you need to know for, as ever, the Biblical maxim sums it up: By their fruits shall ye know them!
Sat, 04/09/2010 - 15:59 | News Team
Vital reading for all BNP members! In this important article, Nick Griffin gives us an in-depth account and provides real-life examples of how opposition 'moles' strive to disrupt and divide nationalist parties. Once you've read this, you'll have a much better understanding of what is really behind the current wave of 'internal' and media attacks on our party.
"Those who refuse to learn from history are condemned to repeat it."
Very few BNP members have been actively taken in by the campaign of attempted destabilisation currently being waged against both the party itself and its elected leadership. But rather more are at present somewhat bewildered by the ferocity of the assault and by the way in which several apparently very different strains of discontent have come together.
Everyone wants to know the answer to the same question: Why are people who have in the past seemed so devoted to our common Cause now doing all they can — including providing ammunition for our traditional enemies in the media - to try to destroy the party?
This is absolutely the right question to ask. And for those who haven't yet worked out the full picture for themselves, I hope that this analysis will help.
There are four key factors at work here:
First, there are the innocents who have been told lies or fed gossip by individuals they trust. Being innocent, they have believed at least some of what they have heard and, because it would be deeply worrying if true, have been conned into being deeply worried about the future of the party for which they and we have sacrificed so much.
I have no doubt that a significant number of those currently in the Butler camp come into this first category, and to them I simply say: "The British National Party's door, and my door, are still open to you. Come, individually, to us and tell us what you've heard that worries you so much that you have been taken in by people who are now very clearly trying to destroy the party.
We can talk about it, demolish their lies, shake hands and welcome you back. By the time the core parts of this article are read and digested by our party collectively, those who at present would tend to be unforgiving will have a far better idea of how good individuals have been conned and led astray.
From such understanding comes the opportunity for reconciliation. There are far too few genuine committed nationalists in Britain for us to quarrel and fight, or even to hold genuine mistakes against each other. Please come home!
Second, there are also formerly good nationalists who have become embittered by some personal grudge. This may be based on some genuine minor injustice they have suffered owing to a mistake or misjudgment by some key party official; we all make mistakes, myself included, and if anyone in this category has been wronged by me I am always happy to listen, apologise and make amends. In the meantime, I ask them not to take it out on the party as a whole by giving an ounce of backing to what we all know is an attempted demolition job.
On the other hand, several of the figures behind all the lies, half-truths and bullying that continue to spew from the present operation against the BNP hold grudges over matters for which they have merely received their just desserts.
When a thief is stopped or exposed, it's no surprise when he rails against those who found him out. When employees are found to be unwilling or incapable of performing their jobs to satisfactory standards, it's almost inevitable that they will cut up rough over being pulled up, disciplined or sacked. It's part of human nature to tend to be lazy, and it's equally part of human nature to resent being exposed as lazy and called to account.
In several of these cases I could have opted for an easy life by turning my blind eye to such failings. But I'm not here for an easy life, I'm here to get things done and to build an effective organisation.
Crooks, spongers and timewasters therefore have to go — so why should anyone be surprised or even worried when they take the first opportunity to get their revenge on me and on the organisation of which — through no one's fault but their own — they are no longer a useful part?
Thirdly, there are the plain jealous. In the roll call of homegrown troublemakers, there are always in any organisation a few whose opinion of themselves and their abilities is either so high that they will stop at no treachery or deceit to elbow their way to the front, or so low that their own sense of inferiority emerges as hatred for anyone who is competent, confident and well regarded by others.
Just as a group of teenage girls will often turn against the prettiest so as not to be outshone by her, so the Green Eyed God eats away at people's souls in adult politics.
So far, the various reasons for which disgruntled individuals can turn on their former friends and colleagues will be familiar to anyone who has ever been a member of any human organisation. In his sermon at the Indigenous Forum Family weekend the Rev. West told us how this ugly but understandable side of human nature even comes into play in the internal politics of the Church.
But now we come on to a factor which only affects radical political parties and pressure groups whose message, activities and indeed very existence pose a threat or potential threat to the State — or rather to those people, interest groups and ideologies which motivate and direct the State. This factor is deliberate infiltration by hostile individuals and the 'turning', whether through bribery, flattery or blackmail, of people who start off on the Light side and cross over to the Dark.
Let's get one thing straight right at the start of our examination of the problem of external infiltration and subversion: I am NOT saying that all those who fit into this category will necessarily have appeared to side with the 'Get Griffin' camp which has made so much empty noise recently. Of course, most will have done so, because turning good people against the current leadership is a highly effective way of wrecking any organisation.
But there is obviously mileage in the old 'good cop, bad cop' trick that has long been used by detectives trying to persuade suspects to confess. In the case of a political organisation this could easily be adapted to having a well-placed State or Searchlight 'mole' who is apparently 'loyal' to the leadership but who in fact is working to undermine faith in it.
This could be done, for example, by making deliberate mistakes in his or her job which annoy people and reflect badly on the leadership, giving ammunition to other plants or simple malcontents in the 'anti' camp. Or by playing on the normal personal dislikes and foibles that crop up in any joint human endeavour, telling lies designed to create and then mutually antagonise two sides.
There is no point speculating which individuals in the recent attempted wrecking operation have from the beginning been conscious enemies of the entire party. What is more fruitful is simply to provide you with the cast iron proof that such paid agents and traitors are not a figment of the imagination of the writers of TV series such as Spooks, but an all too real, clear and present danger to our Movement.
The very first thing to understand is that. just because someone does good work for the Cause, befriends you and buys pints all round, doesn't mean that they can't possibly be agents of the security services or their plausibly deniable catspaws in the Searchlight criminal conspiracy. These people have almost limitless money and decades of experience to pass to their agents and turncoats — and use both to get them into the best positions from which to do the most damage when the time comes to activate them.
Since the good people who are their eventual targets will take no notice of someone known only for doing very little badly, this means allowing such an 'asset' to make a valuable contribution to our Cause.
In the case, to give an example from a very different side of politics, of the IRA, it was routine practice for MI5 and military intelligence to allow their moles and assets to shoot lower level 'touts' (as informers are known over there) and to plant bombs in order to establish their credentials of 'good nationalists', in order that they be trusted with plans for even worse atrocities. Going leafleting in all weathers, putting money in the collection or helping us win some by-elections is nothing by comparison.
Most of our people are already well-aware of the fact that, despite our strict adherence to constitutional and peaceful campaigning, the Powers-That-Be regard our party as at least as big a threat to their control and ideas as the IRA ever was.
Anyone who doubts that need only compare the attitude of the 'mainstream' politicians and David Dimbleby to Gerry Adams and to me on our respective first appearances on Question Time. Then remember that these people went to the same schools and universities, move in the same social circles and dine in the same clubs as those who run the intelligence services. Hence it would be very odd indeed if their attitude to us was any less hysterical.
Add in the inbuilt Stalinist and tribal Zionist fanaticism of those running Searchlight and it becomes clear exactly why the BNP has been, is, and always will be the victim of the unwelcome attentions of a literally never-ending supply of plants and agents provocateurs.
Lest any unusually naive reader still have any doubts as to the truth of this basic fact of nationalist life, it is useful to look at four case studies involving the past subversion of British nationalist organisations:
SEX FOR INFLUENCE — the sordid history of Mrs. Gable.
In 1975, various young and not so young males in the National Front in London were pleased to see a young woman, Sonia Hochfelder, getting involved and active. Early suspicions over her potentially Jewish surname (an issue in an organisation heavily influenced by people who had served in Palestine up until 1948, and who had cut their political teeth under virtual siege by violent gangs of militant Zionist thugs) were allayed by her explanation that it was German.
Even initial doubters were won over by her eagerness to turn up on activities, reassuringly 'hardline' comments, and readiness to sleep with various other members — not all of whom knew that they weren't the only one. While not exactly a beauty, she was readily available, so various nationalist males did what came naturally.
So 'hardline' was young Sonia that by 1976, she was flirting politically — and a lot more personally — with various leading lights in Column 88, a lunatic- and informant riddled extremist group today roughly paralleled by the wilder fringes of the English Defence League (though anti-Jewish rather than anti-Muslim).
To put none too fine a point on it, young Sonia slept her way into positions which gave her access to gossip, intelligence and secrets in both organisations. And, having done so, she then began to use her position and inside knowledge to set people against each other and to undermine the morale and cohesion of her bedfellows and the wider movement. Her activities also contributed to the atmosphere of careless extremism which provided the media with material for smear stories designed to frighten off normal members of the public.
While some people had warned of what she was right from the start, but it still came as a shock to many when it emerged that Sonia Hochfelder was in fact an agent for Searchlight and a dedicated Jewish 'anti-fascist'.
While she did seem to get genuine sexual and psychological kicks from involvement with extremists and talk of violence, she was also ideologically motivated. Her father had fled to Britain as a socialist refugee when the Nazis marched into the Sudetanland. Brought up as a Marxist, she had joined the Communist Party at 16, before switching to a Maoist splinter group at the age of 18.
In Sonia's distinctly mixed up head, therefore, infiltrating the fascists wasn't just a big personal turn on, but also a heroic political adventure on behalf of her Marxist, Jewish, gay and coloured friends.
Gerry Gable later wrote this about Sonia, later to become his second wife and still today an active member of the Searchlight anti-nationalist conspiracy. A gushingly romanticised account of their spy-ring activities was published in the Independent on 22nd Feb 1997.
In addition to her specialised knowledge as a tax inspector, Sonia now also uses her experience as a very effective infiltrator/disrupter to teach a new generation of Searchlight spooks and grasses the tricks of the trade, and to brief and debrief them on their subversive activities.
The debriefings are particularly important, because they allow information collected by one agent to be fed to the others. The case of Andy Sykes, the Searchlight mole who became Bradford BNP Branch Organiser, and Jason Gwyn, the BBC infiltrator who used Syke's protection to make the Secret Agent smear 'documentary', shows how two operatives working to a co-ordinated plan are much more effective than two individuals working separately.
But for security reasons most moles and turncoats are 'run' without knowing each other, so their individual debriefs by experienced handlers like Mr. and Mrs. Gable are a crucial part of the whole operation, especially during one of their periodic campaigns of frantic subversion, when their various operatives are all used to inject as much poison into the nationalist body politic, and to target specific individuals for maximum effect.
How many of these creatures are there in our ranks at present? There is no way of knowing, but all experienced true nationalists will know that groups like Searchlight-UAF have along history of publishing detailed accounts not just of our major national events, but even of the goings on in many local BNP branches. That information can only come from their grasses, so there must be several dozen at least.
It would be very strange indeed if these people had not been active trying to spread alarm and division over the last couple of months, and if they are not right now agitating in support of Mr. Butler and in favour of some kind of split.
THE 'RESPECTABLE' WRECKER — the strange career of Paul Kavanagh
As the National Front rose to prominence in the mid-1970s, so did one of its newer recruits. Paul Kavanagh described himself as a businessman, wore the right suits and talked the right talk.
In a party desperately short of talented middle management and 'respectability', he quickly rose through the ranks. Industrious and apparently loyal, Kavanagh wasn't a great speaker, but he did try and, more important, he was constantly on the go, organising and attending activities in the London boroughs around his small but smart flat in the expensive Barbican development.
So when the NF launched its bid to buy a large prestige Headquarters building in London, the experienced and well-heeled Mr. Kavanagh seemed the natural and obvious choice to be given charge of setting up the holding company required — NF Properties. The fact that he packed it, and the local branches in the area, with people loyal to him, passed unnoticed in the excitement of raising the money, buying and converting the five floor Victorian warehouse in Great Eastern Street.
Kavanagh worked patiently until the 1979 General Election, then struck. Working harder than anyone had ever seen him work before, he ran a relentless campaign of black propaganda against the party leadership.
He and his clique — all trusted on account of the good work they had done in the past — regaled shocked and angry East London activists with lies about how John Tyndall and the NF's office staff were stealing all the money. Brown envelopes, mockingly marked "Members' Hard-Earned Cash" were supposedly waved around and blown with glee in pubs and Indian restaurants.
Not everyone fell for it, but enough did to give Kavanagh the head of steam to declare himself the leader of a 'reform' body, The NF Constitutional Movement, and to use this as the figleaf excuse to try to seize control of Excalibur House for his own faction.
The asset-grab was thwarted, but amid confident predictions that the Front itself was doomed to bankruptcy Kavanagh persuaded a significant number of well-meaning London activists to defect to his new party, which was also 'sold' as the antidote to the 'extremism' — both real and imagined — of the Front's elected leadership.
Was Paul Kavanagh perhaps just a conman trying to lie his rivals out of office in order to get his hands on a valuable piece of real estate? Those who saw him operate didn't believe so. For one thing, he kept his 'Con Movement' going well after the chance of making any money was long gone. It was a joke party right from the start, so the only purpose it served was to allow the media to portray the NF as hopelessly divided demoralising its existing members and put off potential new recruits from among the 10,000 enquiries it had received during the election.
Even more telling, Kavanagh had always claimed to be in business buying and selling machine tools. In the frenetic factionalism of late 1979, a fair few activists and officials visited him in his office and industrial unit. Machine tools were clearly visible, but not one moved for months.
A young NF member had a summer job on the switchboard, secretly passing to the party's proper leadership details of who was phoning the head of the artificial rebellion against financial impropriety that never was. One kind of call was noticeable by its total absence — no-one ever phoned to inquire about buying or selling a single piece of machinery. Not so much as a single nut or bolt!
The supposed business was clearly nothing more than a cover — there only to stop people asking how someone could afford to live and give so much time and energy to the Cause.
Nowadays, sadly, to use machine tools as a cover in de-industrialised Britain would raise more suspicions than it would allay. But plenty of other excuses could serve the same purpose — a well-paid job with a public sector employer who mysteriously showed no interest in or suffered any pressure over the presence of a high profile nationalist, for example. Or a fortuitous inheritance, generously spent in pursuit of the Greater Good. Wouldn't that be convincing — and noble? It would probably even fool some people for a while.
THE BOGUS LEADERSHIP CONTENDER — Searchlight's Ray Hill and the attack on British Movement.
While Paul Kavanagh was working to destroy the NF in its East London heartland, another enemy mole was brought into play in Leicester, where the party had achieved huge votes and acquired a local Headquarters building in Humberstone Road.
The NF AGM in 1979 witnessed the return to Britain of Ray Hill, a petty criminal who had been involved on the far-right scene in the 1960s before emigrating to South Africa. Hill had already concluded that betraying his nationalist comrades was more profitable than robbing cigarette machines, and was working for Searchlight.
As the following quotes illustrate, Hill's autobiography, The Other Face of Terror, provides valuable insights into the work of a Searchlight mole, and how such wretched creatures manipulate the naive and good-hearted into helping them to wreck nationalist organisations.
Successive editions of Searchlight magazine (in the days before the Internet the main tool used for injecting black propaganda into the nationalist movement) worked to build Hill up as a big fish. Settling in Leicester, he played a major role behind the scenes pushing for the creation of another splinter group, the British Democratic Party, and then ruining its naive leader with a fake gun-running scam.
"Between us, World in Action and Searchlight and myself ran such rings around the characters involved that they must have believed that the gods themselves were conspiring against them. When the dust settled, one of Britain's smaller but more promising right-wing parties lay in ruins and its leader was in exile in Ireland." (page 87)
Having played a small but significant role in helping to tear the NF apart — and destroyed perhaps the most promising party that emerged from the wreckage — Hill now switched to another target. The openly neo-Nazi British Movement had been founded by Colin Jordan, but by now was run by Mike McCloughlin, a Liverpudlian who in the course of the previous ten years had led the BM to a ten-fold increase in size.
Gable and Hill hatched a plan to deal with the threat, either by dividing and demoralising the British Movement so it fell below the size at which it could be effective, or — even better — saddle it with a leader who was actually a Searchlight agent. This was particularly attractive, as it would not only then be completely under control but could then also be used to siphon off the harder core elements of any genuine nationalist party into a bogus extremist safety valve, thus damaging two parties for the price of one.
Hill joined British Movement, taking with him some of the genuine but gullible nationalists he had lured out of the Front and into the BPD. With their help, and with the regular plugs in Searchlight about how good he was as an organiser, and how dangerous it would be if he became leader of the BM, he rapidly came to be seen as a serious heavyweight.
"The strategy we adopted envisaged that I would endeavour to establish myself as a rival to McLaughlin for the party leadership. As long as I recruited enough support, the plan could not fail. Either I would depose McLaughlin and then allow BM to collapse under leadership the like of which they would never have seen before, or McLaughlin would be forced to expel me, in which case I would split the party, taking as many members as possible with me." (page 133)
Central to the plan was a concerted effort to discredit McLaughlin by accusing him of failure and of financial impropriety:
"In private conversations with activists I missed no opportunity to make guarded suggestions that while I was out there on the 'front line' with them, McLaughlin was comfortably ensconced in North Wales 'raking in the membership fees'." (page 134)
As the lies and poison manufactured by Hill seeped through and undermined the BM, the Searchlight plotters began to work on the final stages of the plan — to get Hill expelled from the already weakened organisation, and then join up with John Tyndall (then leading the small and ineffective New National Front) in a new 'party of nationalist unity', in which Hill would already have enough influence to be able to set off a civil war in that in due course.
"If I could present a challenge to McLoughlin, and strongly make a case for unity, we could both tempt him into expelling me, in which case I could not be accused of splitting the movement, and prepare the ground for a significant number of BM members to leave with me, encouraged by the prospect of unification with another organisation.
"For the moment, I concentrated on building myself up as an alternative leader, assiduously cultivating activist members at every opportunity. I used the same old theme that the movement's leadership was stale, tired, lazy and probably corrupt and that Change was needed.... Some members even started muttering about having an election for a new leader." (page 137)
Faced with Hill's relentless campaign of black propaganda lies, McLaughlin did indeed expel him, and the naive members Hill had conned rose up in his defence:
"My expulsion caused a furore among the membership. In London Tony Malksi pledged his support for me..... at the next Leicester meeting, the members unanimously agreed that I should ignore McLoughlin's edict and carry on as local BM leader.... From around the country came similar declarations of support from groups of activists.... To all intents and purposes, BM was split down the middle." (page 141)
Backed by Searchlight's money and lawyers, Hill went on to issue a writ against McLaughlin for 'invalid' expulsion. The costs of contesting this added to the financial crisis caused by the split over Hill's removal and the artificially created worries over financial probity. Ground down by the character assassination and by the endless financial crisis, in September 1983 McLaughlin simply closed British Movement down.
Even before that happened, however, Hill had already taken enough members with him to join the newly-founded British National Party to be a major player in it. His autobiography includes a photo of him sharing the top table with John Tyndall at the press conference at which the BNP was launched in 1982, and another of him and Tyndall at the head of the new party's first march in London a few weeks later.
Hill was already in pole position to continue his work:
"Behind my involvement in the whole enterprise was the certain knowledge that as long as the process of splitting and fusion and then more splitting could be prolonged, no far-right group would be in a position to look outwards and project itself as a serious political force. At that time, we anticipated that we would later be in a position, if BNP began to grow, to split it down the middle by provoking a life or death leadership battle between myself and Tyndall, and then begin the cycle of internal war all over again. As it happened, the BNP never even began to show potential for growth, a factor which helped our later decision that I should go public." (page 165)
Ray Hill "came out" not long afterwards, in a Channel 4 documentary that cast him as the hero who had broken up the National Front, the British Democratic Party and the British Movement. In the case of the NF, that was a huge over-statement. In the case of the BDP and BM, it was all too true.
One man, having worked his way up, been a drinking mate and stood shoulder-to-shoulder with real nationalists in confrontations with the violent left, had set real comrades against each other and destroyed all they had achieved. Yet despite the clear evidence of what he had done, and despite repeated warnings from the more perceptive, some of those who had followed him didn't believe it until they heard his boastful confession on TV.
As our study of the parallel case of Sonia Hochfelder has already shown, such plants can also be female. When they are, they have the added advantage of being able to make allegations about sexual harassment or assault — a totally different line of attack to the financial impropriety trick but one which can be used in the same way.
When the now defunct Workers Revolutionary Party, for example, was proving a nuisance to the British State (at one point they had a daily newspaper, funded by Libya's Colonel Gadaffi), their leader Gerry Healy was repeatedly accused of molesting the idealistic but often neurotic young females who formed a high proportion of their recruits.
Internal jealousies, attention seeking, crude attempts at blackmail and straightforward Special Branch black propaganda lies about "cold, clammy hands" (the exact phrase used in a recent recycling of the tactic) combined to create a cloud of suspicion over the target, who — while undoubtedly a Marxist fanatic — appears to have been wholly innocent.
It was and is noticeable, however, that those involved in making unfounded allegations never have any assets and so are safe from any chance of having to provide evidence for their smears in a court of law.
POLICE PLANTS TOO — the State intervenes directly
So far we've looked mainly at plants who are almost certainly nothing more or less that assets of the sinister Searchlight operation. Unfortunately, however, it is not the only well-funded agency that runs agents and disrupters within radical organisations. The black propaganda campaign against the leader of the Workers Revolutionary Party, for instance, was the work of Special Branch and MI5, and it is a well documented fact that various such State agencies have long taken an unhealthy (for us) interest in the BNP.
On Sunday 14th March this year, The Observer ran two remarkable reports on the undercover life of a policeman member of a hitherto secret unit of the Metropolitan Police, the Special Demonstration Squad.
"Officer A — with a long ponytail, angry persona and willingness to be educated in the finer points of Trotskyist ideology — was never suspected by those he befriended of being a member of the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), a secret unit within Special Branch, whose job is to prevent violent public disorder on the streets of the capital. Known as the "hairies" due to the fact that its members do not have to abide by usual police regulations about their appearance, the unit consists of 10 full-time undercover operatives who are given new identities, and provided with flats, vehicles and "cover" jobs while working in the field for up to five years at a time.
"Officer A joined the SDS in 1993 after two years in Special Branch. It was a time of heightened tension between the extreme left and right and almost every weekend saw clashes between the likes of the Anti-Nazi League, Youth Against Racism, the British National Party and the National Front. The SDS is believed to have infiltrated all such organisations."
The second article is more valuable still. Entitled "Inside the lonely and violent world of the Yard s elite undercover unit," it reads:
"They got drunk together, stood shoulder to shoulder as they fought the police and far-right activists, and became so intimately acquainted with each other's lives that in the end they were closer than brothers. But it was all a sham. Hidden among the close-knit and highly motivated group of violent far-left activists was a serving police officer, operating deep undercover, whose presence was intended to bring the group to its knees.
"That man, known only as Officer A, has now come forward to give his account of the years he spent working for Scotland Yard's most secret unit, the Special Demonstration Squad (SDS), on a mission to prevent disorder on the streets of London. For four years in the mid-1990s, he lived a double life six days a week, spending just one day a week with his wife and family.
"Week after week, year in and year out, he lived and breathed the life of a hardcore Trotskyist agitator with a passion for heavy drinking, a deep-seated hatred of the police and a predilection for extreme violence."
"I had a really good time with my targets and enjoyed their company enormously – here was a genuine bond. But I was never under any illusion about what I was there to do. They were not truly my friends. The friendship would last only up until the point when they found out what I really was. I was under no illusion about what would happen to me if they did."
Officer A allowed himself to be spotted and recruited by his target, and then agreed to attend a small demonstration the following weekend. When the event turned violent, he found himself standing next to his target and others from the group as they launched a series of attacks on uniformed police.... "That day developed into a major ruck. At the end no one would have believed I was a police officer."
Officer A wasn't the only one attacking his former colleagues. At the time of his deployment, other SDS officers had infiltrated opposing right-wing groups such as the BNP and Combat 18, as well as other far-left groups.
Once inside the groups they were ordered to infiltrate, it was relatively easy for SDS officers to rise to the top because they were often prepared to work long hours on boring, administrative jobs.
Having won the trust of several high-profile anti-facism and anti-racism activists on the far left, Officer A was ideally placed. Over the next two years he worked his way up to become branch secretary of Youth Against Racism in Europe, a leading anti-racist organisation that was a front for the far-left group Militant.
"You get given a file on your target that tells you everything you need to know. You become that person's brother. You know everything that makes them tick. You know how much they like to drink, you know where they like to drink. You know what kind of music they like, you know what kind of women they like. You become the brother they never knew they had. None of it is ever said to the target, it's far more subtle than that. The first time they get in the car, it will be just the right kind of music playing. The first time a redhead walks by it will be: 'God, I'm really into redheads.' It's all done fantastically cleverly.
"If someone started talking about getting good information from a female target, we all knew there was only one way that could have happened. They had been sleeping with them." He himself had slept with two members of his target group. Although not officially sanctioned, such activity among SDS officers – both male and female – was tacitly accepted and in many cases was vital in maintaining an undercover role. "You can't be in that world full-time for five years and never have a girlfriend or boyfriend. People would start to ask questions," said Officer A.
The most chilling part of the article is Officer A s assessment of the effectiveness of such tactics:
"If the SDS had been in existence at the time of the Suffragettes, their campaigns would never have got off the ground and would have been quickly forgotten.....Once the SDS get into an organisation, it is effectively finished."
Bear in mind that this is only one police squad, working only in London. Are there similar teams in the police forces of Merseyside, Yorkshire, Glasgow, etc? It would be strange if there weren't, wouldn't it?
After all, virtually every urban police force in Britain operates in the knowledge that one spark could set off an explosion of communal violence between various different ethnic and religious groups. Wouldn't the really odd thing be if the leftist/Common Purpose clones who have been put in charge of our police forces DIDN'T use their power and resources to try to destabilise the British National Party?
We see their orders being carried out every time venue owners are intimidated by police threats, so why should we have any doubts as to their capacity to use other dirty tricks against us in the shadows?
Then there are the national security services, who operate separately from the police, jealously guarding their own bureaucratic and intelligence empires, as well as doing the jobs for which they too are well paid. Chief among these is Britain's domestic intelligence service, MI5 (not to be confused with MI6, which handles foreign affairs intelligence matters.
MI5 has spent a hundred years monitoring and disrupting home-grown 'subversive' organisations. There is a small library of serious studies of its activities, many of which confirm that part of MI5's brief is to infiltrate and destabilise a wide variety of target groups, including the BNP.
To give just one example, in Defending The Realm - inside MI5 and the war on terrorism, published in 2003, Mark Hollingsworth and Nick Fielding note that: "...as the National Front declined into a mere rump, the British National Party has been seen as a more serious threat. By the early 1990s, MI5 had successfully recruited or turned several agents within the BNP, although they also retained some full-time active agents in the National Front."
The authors go on to point out that one of MI5's ways of justifying its continued huge budget in the wake of the collapse of the Communist bloc in 1989 has been to brief Ministers and journalists alike on the need to keep 'far-right extremists' under surveillance and control.
Would it not be really strange if these various State security bodies hadn't been mobilised to disrupt our General Election campaign, and if they weren't right now doing everything in their power to keep the disruption going - especially given the inevitable social and political impact of the gathering storm clouds of spending cuts, financial crises, the unwinnable Afghan War and the inevitability that, sooner or later, another Muslim terror plot will work?
Why would they not be working to hinder us from signing up the new recruits attracted by that campaign and from applying the lessons we've learned from that campaign to improve our organisation for the future? Stopping such things is exactly what they are paid for, and you can bet your life that they are at their work right now.
CONCLUSION
So now you know! Four different, real-life examples of the use of credible, long-term, at times popular and apparently sincere and constructive 'moles' who wreaked havoc in the British nationalist movement by playing on the honest naivety of some and the ambition or discontents of others.
In a way it's a frightening thought - that we're up against well-connected and massively funded opponents who have such a long track record of using a succession of plants and traitors to keep the nationalist movement in repeated factional convulsions designed to demoralise and demotivate.
But at least the hysterical desperation of their current efforts gives us an insight of just how frightened our opponents are of the formidable party machine that we have built together - and of the growing support it commands among huge numbers of ordinary Brits.
The more an individual involved is attacked with smears and demonisation propaganda, the more you know he or she is understood by our enemies to be vital to our continued progress.
Fortunately, the very fact that you now know their game gives you the moral shield and psychological armour you need to brush off the blows aimed at you and other sincere patriots by our most dangerous and relentless enemies.
How can you tell friend from such camouflaged foes? Clearly, as the case studies above show very well, their training and collective experience makes it virtually impossible to catch them out for certain. Only occasionally do Searchlight allow one of their top moles to 'come out' for the purposes of a sensationalist TV programme, only once in a blue moon does a police officer end up going rogue and suing over stress.
So you have to make up your mind on the balance of probability rather than absolute proof. So don't judge people who claim to be sincere nationalists on how they look or sound, or on what they claim to be. Judge them simply on the crucial question: Is what they are doing good or bad for the British National Party?
Are they encouraging activism or apathy?
Are they trying to raise money or to stop people giving?
Are they telling the truth or spreading lies?
If there is a genuine problem (for no party is perfect) are they quietly taking it to the people who could do something about it, or are they plastering it all over the Internet to the delight of our external enemies?
Are they being attacked by the ruthlessly controlled and anti-British mainstream media, or are they suddenly in favour with the papers, the BBC and Rupert Murdoch's Sky News?
Are they brutally attacked on the far-left blogs and crank neo-Nazi forums, or are they treated with kid gloves by such enemies of our Cause?
If you read what they write or listen to what they say, do you feel enthused, enlightened and more determined than ever to win our sacred struggle? Or do they leave you sad, worried and demotivated?
The answers to those questions will tell you all you need to know for, as ever, the Biblical maxim sums it up: By their fruits shall ye know them!
Sunday, August 29, 2010
Britain’s Oldest Defence and Security Institute Confirms that BNP is Right
Britain’s Oldest Defence and Security Institute Confirms that BNP is Right
Fri, 27/08/2010 - 11:30 | BNP News
Britain’s oldest defence and security research think tank, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), has confirmed that the British National Party has been correct all along with its claim that Labour/Tory foreign policy is a major cause of terrorism in Britain today.
RUSI, founded in 1831 by the Duke of Wellington, said in an article in its latest journal that “home-grown terrorism in the UK is growing” partly due to a “foreign policy that serves to focus alienation and resentment.”
The BNP has long argued that there are two primary causes of terrorism in Britain today: mass immigration, which has created a large Third World population pool from which radical Islamists can recruit; and British foreign policy which provides an excuse for Islamists to whip up hatred against Britain.
In the article, titled “Terrorism: The New Wave,” RUSI authors Michael Clarke and Valentina Soria said that in the five years “since the 7/7 London bomb attacks and almost a decade after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, the jihadist terror threat from violent extremists has evolved in significant ways, particularly as it affects the United Kingdom.”
The authors go on to state that the radicalisation of Muslims in British prisons could produce hundreds of home-grown terrorists as the UK faces threats from lone bombers and assassins.
“Large-scale co-ordinated attacks are being replaced by highly-motivated but poorly trained individuals operating with the expectation that eventually one will succeed.”
According to the experts, Britain has more to fear than any other western country from home-grown terrorists and the conditions are all there for a series of attacks to begin at any time.
“Estimates showed one in 10 of the 8,000 Muslim prisoners in high-security institutions in England and Wales were ‘successfully targeted’ by radical jihadists.
“Perhaps some 800 potentially violent radicals, not previously guilty of terrorism charges, will be back in society over the coming five to 10 years," they wrote.
"The natural reaction to improved counter-terrorist operations is for jihadist attacks to evolve towards more individual efforts."
They added that "a powerful al-Qaida media campaign" would make them "appear as dramatic and threatening as earlier attacks".
"If lone bombers and assassins are being sent out to try their luck... the key variable will be the effect these lone or spontaneous attempts have on the motivation of others to join the jihad," they said.
"Lone killers will always exist and some of them will succeed. The key question is whether their acts remain that of individuals or become part of a structural phenomenon."
Under a new generation of leaders such as Anwar Al-Awlaki, considered one of the world's most wanted terrorists, "it appears that high motivation is followed by fairly rudimentary training", the authors wrote, pointing to the apparent lone bomber behind the Times Square car bomb in New York in May.
While the chances of success for a lone, poorly trained individual may be considerably lower, "eventually, it is reasoned, one of them will be lucky enough to succeed in a major way against high-profile targets in Western countries".
The Rusi report went on: "The possibility of attacks now hangs over all major sporting events from the Commonwealth Games in India and the 2012 Olympic Games in London, to all future signature events such as football World Cup tournaments."
For the British public, it warned, the "greatest danger is public complacency".
Fri, 27/08/2010 - 11:30 | BNP News
Britain’s oldest defence and security research think tank, the Royal United Services Institute (RUSI), has confirmed that the British National Party has been correct all along with its claim that Labour/Tory foreign policy is a major cause of terrorism in Britain today.
RUSI, founded in 1831 by the Duke of Wellington, said in an article in its latest journal that “home-grown terrorism in the UK is growing” partly due to a “foreign policy that serves to focus alienation and resentment.”
The BNP has long argued that there are two primary causes of terrorism in Britain today: mass immigration, which has created a large Third World population pool from which radical Islamists can recruit; and British foreign policy which provides an excuse for Islamists to whip up hatred against Britain.
In the article, titled “Terrorism: The New Wave,” RUSI authors Michael Clarke and Valentina Soria said that in the five years “since the 7/7 London bomb attacks and almost a decade after the 9/11 attacks in the United States, the jihadist terror threat from violent extremists has evolved in significant ways, particularly as it affects the United Kingdom.”
The authors go on to state that the radicalisation of Muslims in British prisons could produce hundreds of home-grown terrorists as the UK faces threats from lone bombers and assassins.
“Large-scale co-ordinated attacks are being replaced by highly-motivated but poorly trained individuals operating with the expectation that eventually one will succeed.”
According to the experts, Britain has more to fear than any other western country from home-grown terrorists and the conditions are all there for a series of attacks to begin at any time.
“Estimates showed one in 10 of the 8,000 Muslim prisoners in high-security institutions in England and Wales were ‘successfully targeted’ by radical jihadists.
“Perhaps some 800 potentially violent radicals, not previously guilty of terrorism charges, will be back in society over the coming five to 10 years," they wrote.
"The natural reaction to improved counter-terrorist operations is for jihadist attacks to evolve towards more individual efforts."
They added that "a powerful al-Qaida media campaign" would make them "appear as dramatic and threatening as earlier attacks".
"If lone bombers and assassins are being sent out to try their luck... the key variable will be the effect these lone or spontaneous attempts have on the motivation of others to join the jihad," they said.
"Lone killers will always exist and some of them will succeed. The key question is whether their acts remain that of individuals or become part of a structural phenomenon."
Under a new generation of leaders such as Anwar Al-Awlaki, considered one of the world's most wanted terrorists, "it appears that high motivation is followed by fairly rudimentary training", the authors wrote, pointing to the apparent lone bomber behind the Times Square car bomb in New York in May.
While the chances of success for a lone, poorly trained individual may be considerably lower, "eventually, it is reasoned, one of them will be lucky enough to succeed in a major way against high-profile targets in Western countries".
The Rusi report went on: "The possibility of attacks now hangs over all major sporting events from the Commonwealth Games in India and the 2012 Olympic Games in London, to all future signature events such as football World Cup tournaments."
For the British public, it warned, the "greatest danger is public complacency".
Sunday, August 1, 2010
New Figures Prove Invasion “Via the Womb” Remains Biggest Threat to Britain’s Homogeneity
New Figures Prove Invasion “Via the Womb” Remains Biggest Threat to Britain’s Homogeneity
Thu, 29/07/2010 - 14:55 | BNP News
The spiralling birth rate of Third World immigrants already in Britain remains one of the single greatest threats to this nation’s continued existence as a majority First World nation, new figures from the Communities Department have shown.
The figures, released in writing to Parliament by department spokesman Andrew Stunell, showed that “at current birth rates and expected rates of immigration,” 252,000 new homes a year will be needed each year until 2031 to accommodate the growth in Britain’s population.
Of these, 36,000 will be needed because there will be more people living alone and fewer couples and families, and 116,000 because of rising birth rates.
The remaining 100,000 will be needed to house migrants, based on 2006 population figures.
In other words, even if there is a slowdown in immigration rates, the birth rates of immigrants already present is placing a greater strain on housing than new immigration.
Mr Stunell’s statement said that four out of every ten new houses or flats built to cope with the rising population will go to a migrant.
“It is estimated that net international migration could account, on average, for 40 per cent of the net growth of households in England over the projection period from 2006 to 2031.”
Previous figures released by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) showed that legal Third World immigrants made up 14.7 percent (7.5 million) of the population of England in 2004.
This figure is, of course, already nearly seven years out of date. With legal immigration currently running at in excess of 500,000 per year, the Third World immigration population will have increased by at least another 3.5 million since 2004, making a more accurate figure about 11 million.
Other ONS figures released last year showed that 10.9 percent (or 6.7 million) of the currently resident population of Britain were not born in this country.
In 2005, the ONS issued a separate report which said that 36 percent of all births in England and Wales were not “white British.”
This 2005 birth rate figure does not include births to second and third generation immigrant mothers.
Figures released by the ONS in January 2009 revealed that the Muslim population in Britain has grown by more than 500,000 to 2.4 million in just four years. Their population multiplied 10 times faster than the rest of society.
An August 2008 ONS population report stated that, on average, ‘foreign’ women have 2.5 children each, rising to 3.9 for those from Bangladesh and almost five for Pakistani women.
The majority of the “new immigrants” are not from Eastern Europe, as is often widely claimed. According to the ONS figures, immigrants from Eastern Europe had 25,000 children in Britain last year — an absolute minority of the just over 700,000 live births.
Once again, the statistical evidence is clear: unless immigration is not only halted but reversed, it will just be a question of time before Britain is overrun by an invasion via the womb.
Only the British National Party dares to point this truth out, and only the BNP has the sensible, humane and just policies to avoid Britain turning into a cross between India and Nigeria.
Thu, 29/07/2010 - 14:55 | BNP News
The spiralling birth rate of Third World immigrants already in Britain remains one of the single greatest threats to this nation’s continued existence as a majority First World nation, new figures from the Communities Department have shown.
The figures, released in writing to Parliament by department spokesman Andrew Stunell, showed that “at current birth rates and expected rates of immigration,” 252,000 new homes a year will be needed each year until 2031 to accommodate the growth in Britain’s population.
Of these, 36,000 will be needed because there will be more people living alone and fewer couples and families, and 116,000 because of rising birth rates.
The remaining 100,000 will be needed to house migrants, based on 2006 population figures.
In other words, even if there is a slowdown in immigration rates, the birth rates of immigrants already present is placing a greater strain on housing than new immigration.
Mr Stunell’s statement said that four out of every ten new houses or flats built to cope with the rising population will go to a migrant.
“It is estimated that net international migration could account, on average, for 40 per cent of the net growth of households in England over the projection period from 2006 to 2031.”
Previous figures released by the Office for National Statistics (ONS) showed that legal Third World immigrants made up 14.7 percent (7.5 million) of the population of England in 2004.
This figure is, of course, already nearly seven years out of date. With legal immigration currently running at in excess of 500,000 per year, the Third World immigration population will have increased by at least another 3.5 million since 2004, making a more accurate figure about 11 million.
Other ONS figures released last year showed that 10.9 percent (or 6.7 million) of the currently resident population of Britain were not born in this country.
In 2005, the ONS issued a separate report which said that 36 percent of all births in England and Wales were not “white British.”
This 2005 birth rate figure does not include births to second and third generation immigrant mothers.
Figures released by the ONS in January 2009 revealed that the Muslim population in Britain has grown by more than 500,000 to 2.4 million in just four years. Their population multiplied 10 times faster than the rest of society.
An August 2008 ONS population report stated that, on average, ‘foreign’ women have 2.5 children each, rising to 3.9 for those from Bangladesh and almost five for Pakistani women.
The majority of the “new immigrants” are not from Eastern Europe, as is often widely claimed. According to the ONS figures, immigrants from Eastern Europe had 25,000 children in Britain last year — an absolute minority of the just over 700,000 live births.
Once again, the statistical evidence is clear: unless immigration is not only halted but reversed, it will just be a question of time before Britain is overrun by an invasion via the womb.
Only the British National Party dares to point this truth out, and only the BNP has the sensible, humane and just policies to avoid Britain turning into a cross between India and Nigeria.
Tuesday, July 27, 2010
Deadline 2014: The Convergence of Catastrophes and What the BNP Needs to Do, by Nick Griffin
Deadline 2014: The Convergence of Catastrophes and What the BNP Needs to Do, by Nick Griffin
Tue, 06/07/2010 - 11:01 | News Team
External circumstances are going to produce a political revolution and the British National Party needs to be able to take advantage of the situation, party leader Nick Griffin has said in an important new analysis.
In a document titled Deadline 2014, Mr Griffin provided an overview of the current political circumstances and has mapped out what type of party will be needed to take advantage of those circumstances.
In addition, he has spelled out how much progress has been made in key aspects of our organisation. The document is a long read, but well worth it for all those concerned about the future direction of our party and ultimately our nation
DEADLINE 2014
You must have seen it, you must have felt it - everywhere you turn you can see the symptoms of a System in terminal crisis. We are entering an epoch-changing, history-making, period of drastic - almost unthinkable - change. A time our Viking ancestors would have called Ragnarok, the Twilight of the Gods in which an old world goes down in fire and ice, and which the great French political analyst Guillaume Faye describes as the Convergence of Catastrophes.
It matters to us because this multi-headed crisis guarantees a well-organised, well-led and radical alternative to the doomed Establishment parties at least a fighting chance of gaining the power needed to turn things around and offer workable nationalist solutions to the intractable and inherent problems and contradictions of internationalism.
Financial Catastrophe
The global financial system is entering the second phase of its disintegration: wealth destruction on an unimaginable scale, combined with the largest transfer of assets from the little people to the already super rich in the history of our planet.
The Euro, in particular, is unlikely to survive. While we'll of course be delighted to see such a hammer blow to the undemocratic Europhile project, that doesn't alter the fact that its death-throws will cause all sorts of damage in the real economy as well as the world of high finance.
The desperate measures of the ConDems to make ordinary people pay the bill for the banksters' criminality, far from helping to deal with the problem, are going to make it worse. The coming 20% VAT rate is only the beginning of the pain. Spending cuts of up to 40% will help drive down government spending, but they will also slash tax receipts, increase the cost and waste of unemployment, and create an explosion of social problems and crime.
Interest rates are already effectively at zero (for savers, not borrowers, because the banks are looking after Number 1) and the sovereign debt mountain make further Quantitative Easing bail-outs impossible without sparking a currency crisis.
The UK's coalition government therefore has no more ammunition in its locker with which to fight the crisis, and nearly everyone else is in the same boat. Cuts are all they have left, but cuts are not just likely to prove politically impossible, they are also all too likely to kill the patient they are supposed to cure.
There is now a very real risk of a period of deflation producing truly grinding poverty as debts continue to grow even as real wealth is destroyed. Then, at some stage beyond that, a last-ditch bout of printing press credit creation is likely to lead to hyper-inflation - a globalised version of the Weimar Republic's infamous wheelbarrows full of banknotes disaster.
The real question is not whether we are going to have a double-dip recession, or a triple-dip recession (Simon Darby's phrase, but you read it here first), but how long it takes before it becomes obvious that this is in fact the Great Depression Mk. II.
Economic Catastrophe & Elite Power Grabs
The Third World and multi-national corporate looting of what remains of the West's manufacturing industry is reaching its destructive climax. The skilled working and middle classes of the nations that gave the world the Industrial Revolution are now obsolete, condemned by internationalist dogma to compete with the endless supply of highly trained but dirt cheap labour of China.
The internationalists - everyone from the Bilderbergers to the European Commission, from the would-be One World Government in the United Nations to the brainwashed Common Purpose cultists in your bankrupt local Health Trust - will press on with their rolling power grab.
Whatever the problem, whether it's a real one like the financial collapse or a phony one like man-made climate change, they will use it as an excuse to take for themselves more power and to impose ever greater burdens of taxation and police state surveillance on the rest of us.
Yet the ever more remote and centralised system they are creating out of the ruins of the Nation State at the end of their wrecking spree lacks a democratic mandate and popular sympathy. It is also utterly dependent on the abundant, virtually free energy that was the hallmark of the first half of the Oil Age. But it's over.
The End of Cheap Oil - and Multi-Culturalism
The cheap, easy oil has gone forever. Deepwater was not a one-off accident, it is the moment that historians of the collapse of cheap energy globalism will pin-point as the moment Peak Oil ceased to be a theory and became a civilisation-ending fact.
For years, those who have ignored or denied Peak Oil have pointed to the vast reserves still untapped deep below stormy oceans and pretended that there was no difference between these and the oil fields now nearing exhaustion in places like Texas and Mexico. Well, now everyone knows that there is a big difference.
As a result, the coming reluctance to allow the oil companies to exploit other new fields similarly at or beyond the safe limits of drilling technology will lead to an oil price shock the moment there is a hint of a recovery from the forthcoming fresh economic downturn. That in turn will lead to another dash for oil at any price – and in due course to another Deepwater, because that’s what Peak Oil is all about.
In fact, we're not just at Peak Oil. We're at Peak Grain, Peak Copper, Peak Uranium, Peak Fish, Peak Rare Earth Metals. All of which mean we're also inevitably at the Peak of the Milk of Human Kindness. From now on, the liberal elite can organise as many National Brotherhood Weeks as they like; tribalism and Nationalism will be the main currencies of human exchange.
This is when the dark forebodings of the great seers of the 20th Century, true visionaries like Enoch Powell and Jean Raspail, are going to be fulfilled. The multi-cultural experiment may have appeared harmless while there was the money for welfare cheques, brand new community centres and enough police to keep the ghetto-makers in their place.
But now it's about to become a different matter altogether. In England alone, at least a hundred different national and tribal diasporas will each demand their own slice of an ever-shrinking pie. Their imported ancestral hatreds will now fester alongside a growing resentment against the host country for having appeared to be a land of milk and honey, and turned out to be a bankrupt, fried chicken and crumbling concrete slum.
Glass will be broken. Sirens will wail. Cities will burn. The Tiber, and other urban rivers all over Western Europe, will indeed "flow with much blood".
None of this is a recommendation. It's not something we've wanted or worked for. It's not something to which we look forward. Just because we nationalists have long warned of the gathering storm does not mean that we caused it. It is a description of what is going to happen, not a prescription for what should happen.
Clash of Civilisations
It is also a description that everyone outside the ivory towers of the intellectuals knows in their heart of hearts is going to be accurate. Particularly thanks to the crowning folly of all of the evil works of those who set out to deconstruct and destroy Western culture and civilisation, and the peoples who produced them: The deliberate breaching of the old dividing lines between the West and Islam.
On the one hand they have given us mass immigration on a scale that has turned London, Paris, Berlin, Amsterdam and hundreds of other cities and towns into Sharia statelets in waiting. While on the other they are subjecting the Muslim world to economic and military occupations, that seem almost designed to radicalise the 'Islamic street' from Peshwara to Preston.
Having murdered hundreds of thousands of innocent Arab civilians and cannon-fodder conscripts in Iraq, and kept the pot simmering in the Afghan Pipeline War, the criminals in charge are poised to flatten Iran. That move in itself would set of a new version of the 1973 oil crisis, all the worse for the fact that China as well as Japan is heavily dependent on Iranian oil.
However bad the economic impact of the coming attack on Iran, while the superior firepower of 'Western' global capitalism will win the short-term military conflicts in the Middle East, the superior birthrate of the young and well-organised Muslim communities will win the medium-term struggle for the control of the West. In the Clash of Civilisations, demographics are destiny.
No Time for a Soft Party
These then, are the problems which are to us both mortal threat and window of opportunity. They are self-evidently beyond the capacity of a timid, reformist, pro-capitalist civic nationalist party like UKIP or any of the others which come and go every now and again.
They are also beyond the capacity even of a genuine nationalist party if it was to fall for the illusion that electoral power on its own is the Holy Grail. That naive theory is based on the comforting but preposterous idea that, after decades of underhand bullying, goalpost shifting, persecution and subversive infiltration, the Establishment would allow us to contest unhindered a General Election we looked set to win and when we did so give us a congratulatory slap on the back, shake our hands and give us the keys to Number 10.
I hope it doesn't come as a shock when I point out that such touching faith in the innate decency of creatures such as Blair, Brown, Cameron or Clegg is ill-founded. If it does, consider the fate of the Flemish nationalist Vlaams Blok, the most popular and successful political party in the whole of Belgium, banned for being 'a threat to democracy'!
Now, I am not for one moment saying that building our election-winning capability is low on my list of priorities. It is not, as my record of leading the BNP to unparalleled and previous undreamt of electoral successes proves. Winning elections is absolutely crucial, that is not at question, which is why we are working so hard at present to make up for several year's complacency at the top of our Elections Department.
What is at issue is how we can return to winning in the face of the mainstream parties' recent adoption of highly sophisticated call centre and data-handling technologies for voter identification - the key to Labour's wipe out of all the smaller 'alternative' parties across London back in May.
Progress on Building our New Model Election Machine
The answer to that question is one which I outlined in broad terms in a major article on this website very shortly after the election [here]. I am happy to report that Clive Jefferson's new Elections team is making good progress with the first stage of the practical implementation of our plans for future progress.
Much more good news on that front will be forthcoming in due course. For now though, let us come back to the equally crucial point that there is more than coming to power and then being able to use it effectively than simply winning elections.
For a start, there is the fact that a nationalist party whose strength is purely in the ballot box can be painlessly and effortlessly denied its democratic breakthrough by the simple expedient of being banned.
Please note that this is not in any way a call for or some coded hint in favour of armed insurrection or terrorism. Such schoolboy nonsense is not for us, indeed, it is not for anybody in the near total surveillance state which is modern Britain.
Rather, it is a simple fact of recent history that tyrannies (and the EU and its puppet regime in Westminster are tyrannies, albeit at present chocolate coated ones with pink fluffy camouflage on their weapons of coercion) are overthrown not by tiny secretive and violent minorities (the Bolshevik model), nor by ballot-paper wielding majorities (the naive model).
Far more common are mass street protests, often characterised by the wearing of a symbolic colour, backed up by strike action in key sectors such as transport and power. Invariably these are legitimised either by prior but undemocratically frustrated electoral success for the opposition, or by the regime's obdurate refusal to allow elections that they know they would lose. Very often there is also sufficient sympathy for the protesters within the low and middle levels of the army that even that last resort of the tyrant is not an option to the regime.
It is perhaps reasonable to assume that, in a state with a far longer history of genuinely democratic institutions and a residual higher than usual respect for the rule of law, the mere possibility or threat of such mass popular action would be enough to force the parties of a democratically defeated internationalist system to go quietly.
That would certainly fit in with the British political tradition, and remains a possibility, but it is absurd to believe that anything less would compel the Establishment to respect the wishes of the British people to undo the slow motion PC revolution of recent decades.
What Is Needed to Run the Country?
There is also the question of running the country having been elected to do so. A future electoral victory may be registered with a majority at Westminster, or by a pan-European coalition of nationalists in the EU Parliament. In either case, the number of people required to represent and put into legislation the wishes of millions of voters would only be a few hundred.
But to apply that legislation would take several hundred thousand people. Whatever the constitutional fiction, the modern state is not run and directed by elected representatives. The real power to apply or frustrate the will of the majority lies with the civil servants who brief Ministers and put their wishes into action - or not, with the programme controllers and editors who decide what the public hear and see, or with the teachers who shape the minds of the next generation of voters.
This is why even a successful electoral takeover, in itself, cannot be enough to replace even the most disastrously bad internationalist puppet regime with a nationalist one. For if the real levers of power remain in the hands of individuals who remain ideologically committed to the old order of liberal multi-culturalism and corporate greed, then new laws will simply be ignored, much needed reforms will be botched or stalled, and even basic and popular electoral pledges are likely to be unfulfilled.
The Libertarian Alliance spokesman Dr. Sean Gabb has written persuasively on this subject in his must-read book Cultural Revolution, Culture War - how conservatives lost England and how to get it back, which includes some thoroughly practical proposals for dealing with this problem. This includes simply adopting a slash and burn approach to vast swathes of the machinery of the PC and tax-eating servile state. This would not only radically cut the tax bill, but also drastically reduce the number of positions of bureaucratic influence which the incoming nationalist government would have to fill.
Counter-revolution
Even with the adoption of such a strategy, however, there are still a huge number of posts that would have to be filled - or at least overseen - by committed nationalists in order to translate a short-lived electoral triumph into the power and long-term influence needed to push through the broad spectrum nationalist counter-revolution that is the only antidote to the destructive left-liberal cultural and political coup d'etat of recent decades.
Where are we to find the skilled and experienced manpower to do this? To an extent by dint of the fact that the level of public support sufficient to allow us an electoral victory would also be reflected in the attitudes of the people who run the country. But we cannot rely on that alone.
For it is one thing to vote for a radical party at a crisis election, and quite another to play an active role in undoing decades of brainwashing and deliberate destruction. The backbone of the nationalist revolution must therefore be provided by trained cadres, committed nationalists who are not only ideologically sound but also have practical experience of running organisations, handling budgets, training teachers or whatever field they are needed to sort out.
The ideological training can be provided relatively easily through internal party institutions, but the practical experience can only be obtained by years of work before the Great Day in our own parallel institutions. Community organisations, trade union branches, indigenous civil rights campaigns, alternative media outlets and similar counter-culture initiatives examined in brief below, are thus not just of value in their own right during our rise to power. They are also needed to provide the training grounds for people and the testing grounds for ideas and tactics which will be needed to wield that power successfully afterwards.
These are the facts of real politics, and anyone who denies them with fantasies of a fair and honest Establishment allowing us a steady and unimpeded electoral rise to power is either a naïve fool or a plant trying to lead us into a blind alley.
Having established these points, it is time to move from big picture strategy and look at where we are now in purely practical terms.
Two Different Kinds of Progress
In brief, the rise of the BNP will in due course be divided into two parts by movement historians. The first, from 1999 to the beginning of 2008, for all that it also saw some significant organisational steps forward in relative terms, was essentially a narrative of political advances. The second, from 2008 through to now, despite including the greatest political breakthrough so far with two MEPs elected, will be seen to have been significant overwhelmingly on account of the giant leaps forward in terms of central administrative organisation.
How did this come to pass? In brief, back at the start of 2008 I agreed on behalf of the BNP a contract with a professional fund-raising and management firm, the Midas Consultancy. Run by a fiery Ulster Scot with extensive campaigning experience in the pro-life movement, this has revolutionised the party's central structure over the last two years.
Our fund-raising has soared from a couple of hundred thousand pounds a year to a staggering £1.6 million last year. Various measures to show our members they are truly valued has cut our annual drop-out rate for a shocking 70% per year at the start of that period to a mere 17% per annum last year. The money that Jim Dowson has saved us through his cost-cutting advice and stopping people ripping us off has more than covered the total cost of his professional fees.
As a direct result, we have been able to invest in innovations such as a hugely sophisticated database of members and supporters, our Call and Dispatch Centre in Belfast, effective staff monitoring to ensure that we get value for members' money, and accountancy procedures which give us the same level of financial oversight and transparency as a multi-national corporation, have transformed the effectiveness of the party centre.
The last key pieces of the jigsaw are now being put into place. Perhaps the most important is that, we have just had our first full year of not just having our financial affairs in order in accountancy terms but also of having absolutely every single transaction entered electronically as it has happened.
This means that, for the first time ever in the history of British nationalism, we not only can show that our financial affairs are conducted with complete probity, we are also now in the position to use that full year's figures to work out cash flow forecasts and budgets for the future and to plan ahead, rather than constantly working by guesswork and living from hand-to-mouth.
To anyone with serious business experience this may all sound fairly basic, but for a political organisation, staffed and run by people used to working with politics and ideals, this is a huge step forward.
A Dedicated Team for Staff
The second huge advance which will start to kick in shortly is that we have finally created a team, headed by popular persecuted BNP teacher Adam Walker, backed by Solidarity trade union's employment law specialist Patrick Harrington (who himself is a nationalist old hand who achieved national prominence over his brave and successful fight as a young student against the bigots of the far-left for the right to an education at the University of North London), to put the management and motivation of our staff on a professional footing.
Very early in the Midas contract, Jim Dowson and I decided that we had to get the party's administrative centre straight before working on ways to raise the efficiency of the BNP's regional and local operations. This work of dragging the party centre into the 21st century has not been easy.
The process of imposing even fairly basic commercial employment disciplines (such as time sheets and forward planners) on people who are at heart still political volunteers rather than paid administrative bureaucrats has not always been without friction. But it had to be done. I do not believe that I, or any other party leader, has the right to waste members' money employing individuals who are lazy, incompetent or insubordinate.
Fortunately, while there are still some minor failings to address and gaps to fill, the work of professionalising the central administration is now more or less done. Which means that it is now time to move on to the even bigger job of professionalising our regional and local structure.
This too has to be done. I dread to think, for example, how many members we have failed to sign up in the past because we spend so much of our time in heavy politics to grasp that most people don't get involved in a cause on account of careful consideration of political literature, but because they pick up the enthusiasm and follow the example of a friend who is already involved and who invites them to a social occasion where they suddenly find that they belong and feel at home.
I shudder at the thought of how many new recruits have dropped out after a year because their local organiser didn't bother to contact them or failed to involve them in suitable meetings or activities.
Did you know that, for all our years of canvassing, we have never instituted a programme to train canvassers in elementary sales techniques such as how to overcome objections and to 'close the deal'? Incredible, isn't it? But don't these facts also show how much so far unfilled potential there is just waiting to be tapped?
Once again, however, it won't be easy. There will of course be resistance from the conscious opposition infiltrators and grasses whose job it is not only to provide the inside tidbits that so often grace the pages of Searchlight, but also to agitate against any development that is good for the party.
And we will also get trouble from those individuals will be unable to cope with moves to efficiency or who will resent the monitoring and the targets that will follow the explanations and the training we will provide.
The problem is that we have to break through such personally motivated negativity if our party is truly to become the super efficient machine we need to overcome the thoroughly underhand treatment we all have to endure at the hands of our opponents.
This is the key reason for my decision to step down as party leader at the start of 2014. It gives me a tight three year schedule in which to oversee and take the inevitable flak that will arise from this essential modernisation programme. It is going to make me very unpopular among those officials who cannot or will not raise their game. But it has to be done, and we cannot afford to wait any longer.
My remaining job as the leader who has made this party a winner is to clear the decks and build the organisational superstructure for my successor (who, incidentally, contrary to black propaganda put out by our far-left opponents and those with personal axes to grind, will neither be a member of my family or a recently promoted youngster, however able). This, rather than the political progress made so far, is the real legacy that I intend to create and hand on to the next in the hot seat.
With that done it is then my intention to concentrate completely on my North West constituency in the run-up to the European Elections in June 2014, and hopefully to go on to lead the larger BNP group that is going to be at the centre of a more powerful nationalist resistance block within the European Parliament.
Fighting the EU Superstate
For the plan to create and impose the EU superstate is now so far advanced that it is increasingly likely that the combination of electoral pressure and mass action visualised above as our most likely route to power will not come about at the level of isolated individual nations, but simultaneously across the whole of Europe.
After all, even before the advent of the broadcast media, the national revolutions of 1848 and the Bolshevik ones of 1917 swept across Europe like wildfire, as did later upheavals such as 1968 and the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989.
Most significant of all, while the latter two waves of protest and upheaval rolled from one end of the continent to another partly with the help of now old-fasioned broadcast media, they lacked the huge advantage of websites, social networking and mobile phones which are likely to be the main weapons of the freedom fighters of the coming anti-federalist backlash.
All of which makes it at least possible that our liberation from EUrabia - and the simultaneous collapse of what will by then be its totally discredited puppet regimes at a national level - will not come about through our efforts in the UK alone, but through co-ordinated action right across the new Evil Empire.
But, of course, such great moments in history don't just happen, they have to be made to happen. And that's not just by the briefly awakened and momentarily brave crowds who throng the streets and the polling booths at the moments of highest drama. More important still are those who do the groundwork and sow the seeds of organised dissent while the Crowd is still asleep or turning away in fear from the tyrants.
That is our historic role and mission. It is rarely dramatic, and it is never easy. But what needs to be done is clear enough, and so is our collective determination to do it.
My Plans for the Next Three Years - and How YOU Can Help
Exactly what that means in terms of my plans for the British National Party over the next three years will appear in a major article in the forthcoming edition of Identity (sent free to all BNP members).
In the meantime, the starting point has to be to concentrate on turning as many as possible of our 10,000 General Election follow-ups into new members, because plans need people to become reality.
They need to be telephoned by locals to follow up the calls they've already had from our Call Centre. They need to be visited by existing BNP members remarkably like them. Most of all, they need to be invited, and gently dragged, to small-scale social gatherings as near to their homes as possible.
They want to belong, but they are scared of the images conjured up even in thoroughly sympathetic brains by years of media brainwashing.
It may seem a strange way to end this essay that began with heavyweight concepts like the Convergence of Catastrophes, but the way around that is not to try to take them straight away to a noisy political rally, but to hand them a plate by the barbeque and to give them a beer.
Tue, 06/07/2010 - 11:01 | News Team
External circumstances are going to produce a political revolution and the British National Party needs to be able to take advantage of the situation, party leader Nick Griffin has said in an important new analysis.
In a document titled Deadline 2014, Mr Griffin provided an overview of the current political circumstances and has mapped out what type of party will be needed to take advantage of those circumstances.
In addition, he has spelled out how much progress has been made in key aspects of our organisation. The document is a long read, but well worth it for all those concerned about the future direction of our party and ultimately our nation
DEADLINE 2014
You must have seen it, you must have felt it - everywhere you turn you can see the symptoms of a System in terminal crisis. We are entering an epoch-changing, history-making, period of drastic - almost unthinkable - change. A time our Viking ancestors would have called Ragnarok, the Twilight of the Gods in which an old world goes down in fire and ice, and which the great French political analyst Guillaume Faye describes as the Convergence of Catastrophes.
It matters to us because this multi-headed crisis guarantees a well-organised, well-led and radical alternative to the doomed Establishment parties at least a fighting chance of gaining the power needed to turn things around and offer workable nationalist solutions to the intractable and inherent problems and contradictions of internationalism.
Financial Catastrophe
The global financial system is entering the second phase of its disintegration: wealth destruction on an unimaginable scale, combined with the largest transfer of assets from the little people to the already super rich in the history of our planet.
The Euro, in particular, is unlikely to survive. While we'll of course be delighted to see such a hammer blow to the undemocratic Europhile project, that doesn't alter the fact that its death-throws will cause all sorts of damage in the real economy as well as the world of high finance.
The desperate measures of the ConDems to make ordinary people pay the bill for the banksters' criminality, far from helping to deal with the problem, are going to make it worse. The coming 20% VAT rate is only the beginning of the pain. Spending cuts of up to 40% will help drive down government spending, but they will also slash tax receipts, increase the cost and waste of unemployment, and create an explosion of social problems and crime.
Interest rates are already effectively at zero (for savers, not borrowers, because the banks are looking after Number 1) and the sovereign debt mountain make further Quantitative Easing bail-outs impossible without sparking a currency crisis.
The UK's coalition government therefore has no more ammunition in its locker with which to fight the crisis, and nearly everyone else is in the same boat. Cuts are all they have left, but cuts are not just likely to prove politically impossible, they are also all too likely to kill the patient they are supposed to cure.
There is now a very real risk of a period of deflation producing truly grinding poverty as debts continue to grow even as real wealth is destroyed. Then, at some stage beyond that, a last-ditch bout of printing press credit creation is likely to lead to hyper-inflation - a globalised version of the Weimar Republic's infamous wheelbarrows full of banknotes disaster.
The real question is not whether we are going to have a double-dip recession, or a triple-dip recession (Simon Darby's phrase, but you read it here first), but how long it takes before it becomes obvious that this is in fact the Great Depression Mk. II.
Economic Catastrophe & Elite Power Grabs
The Third World and multi-national corporate looting of what remains of the West's manufacturing industry is reaching its destructive climax. The skilled working and middle classes of the nations that gave the world the Industrial Revolution are now obsolete, condemned by internationalist dogma to compete with the endless supply of highly trained but dirt cheap labour of China.
The internationalists - everyone from the Bilderbergers to the European Commission, from the would-be One World Government in the United Nations to the brainwashed Common Purpose cultists in your bankrupt local Health Trust - will press on with their rolling power grab.
Whatever the problem, whether it's a real one like the financial collapse or a phony one like man-made climate change, they will use it as an excuse to take for themselves more power and to impose ever greater burdens of taxation and police state surveillance on the rest of us.
Yet the ever more remote and centralised system they are creating out of the ruins of the Nation State at the end of their wrecking spree lacks a democratic mandate and popular sympathy. It is also utterly dependent on the abundant, virtually free energy that was the hallmark of the first half of the Oil Age. But it's over.
The End of Cheap Oil - and Multi-Culturalism
The cheap, easy oil has gone forever. Deepwater was not a one-off accident, it is the moment that historians of the collapse of cheap energy globalism will pin-point as the moment Peak Oil ceased to be a theory and became a civilisation-ending fact.
For years, those who have ignored or denied Peak Oil have pointed to the vast reserves still untapped deep below stormy oceans and pretended that there was no difference between these and the oil fields now nearing exhaustion in places like Texas and Mexico. Well, now everyone knows that there is a big difference.
As a result, the coming reluctance to allow the oil companies to exploit other new fields similarly at or beyond the safe limits of drilling technology will lead to an oil price shock the moment there is a hint of a recovery from the forthcoming fresh economic downturn. That in turn will lead to another dash for oil at any price – and in due course to another Deepwater, because that’s what Peak Oil is all about.
In fact, we're not just at Peak Oil. We're at Peak Grain, Peak Copper, Peak Uranium, Peak Fish, Peak Rare Earth Metals. All of which mean we're also inevitably at the Peak of the Milk of Human Kindness. From now on, the liberal elite can organise as many National Brotherhood Weeks as they like; tribalism and Nationalism will be the main currencies of human exchange.
This is when the dark forebodings of the great seers of the 20th Century, true visionaries like Enoch Powell and Jean Raspail, are going to be fulfilled. The multi-cultural experiment may have appeared harmless while there was the money for welfare cheques, brand new community centres and enough police to keep the ghetto-makers in their place.
But now it's about to become a different matter altogether. In England alone, at least a hundred different national and tribal diasporas will each demand their own slice of an ever-shrinking pie. Their imported ancestral hatreds will now fester alongside a growing resentment against the host country for having appeared to be a land of milk and honey, and turned out to be a bankrupt, fried chicken and crumbling concrete slum.
Glass will be broken. Sirens will wail. Cities will burn. The Tiber, and other urban rivers all over Western Europe, will indeed "flow with much blood".
None of this is a recommendation. It's not something we've wanted or worked for. It's not something to which we look forward. Just because we nationalists have long warned of the gathering storm does not mean that we caused it. It is a description of what is going to happen, not a prescription for what should happen.
Clash of Civilisations
It is also a description that everyone outside the ivory towers of the intellectuals knows in their heart of hearts is going to be accurate. Particularly thanks to the crowning folly of all of the evil works of those who set out to deconstruct and destroy Western culture and civilisation, and the peoples who produced them: The deliberate breaching of the old dividing lines between the West and Islam.
On the one hand they have given us mass immigration on a scale that has turned London, Paris, Berlin, Amsterdam and hundreds of other cities and towns into Sharia statelets in waiting. While on the other they are subjecting the Muslim world to economic and military occupations, that seem almost designed to radicalise the 'Islamic street' from Peshwara to Preston.
Having murdered hundreds of thousands of innocent Arab civilians and cannon-fodder conscripts in Iraq, and kept the pot simmering in the Afghan Pipeline War, the criminals in charge are poised to flatten Iran. That move in itself would set of a new version of the 1973 oil crisis, all the worse for the fact that China as well as Japan is heavily dependent on Iranian oil.
However bad the economic impact of the coming attack on Iran, while the superior firepower of 'Western' global capitalism will win the short-term military conflicts in the Middle East, the superior birthrate of the young and well-organised Muslim communities will win the medium-term struggle for the control of the West. In the Clash of Civilisations, demographics are destiny.
No Time for a Soft Party
These then, are the problems which are to us both mortal threat and window of opportunity. They are self-evidently beyond the capacity of a timid, reformist, pro-capitalist civic nationalist party like UKIP or any of the others which come and go every now and again.
They are also beyond the capacity even of a genuine nationalist party if it was to fall for the illusion that electoral power on its own is the Holy Grail. That naive theory is based on the comforting but preposterous idea that, after decades of underhand bullying, goalpost shifting, persecution and subversive infiltration, the Establishment would allow us to contest unhindered a General Election we looked set to win and when we did so give us a congratulatory slap on the back, shake our hands and give us the keys to Number 10.
I hope it doesn't come as a shock when I point out that such touching faith in the innate decency of creatures such as Blair, Brown, Cameron or Clegg is ill-founded. If it does, consider the fate of the Flemish nationalist Vlaams Blok, the most popular and successful political party in the whole of Belgium, banned for being 'a threat to democracy'!
Now, I am not for one moment saying that building our election-winning capability is low on my list of priorities. It is not, as my record of leading the BNP to unparalleled and previous undreamt of electoral successes proves. Winning elections is absolutely crucial, that is not at question, which is why we are working so hard at present to make up for several year's complacency at the top of our Elections Department.
What is at issue is how we can return to winning in the face of the mainstream parties' recent adoption of highly sophisticated call centre and data-handling technologies for voter identification - the key to Labour's wipe out of all the smaller 'alternative' parties across London back in May.
Progress on Building our New Model Election Machine
The answer to that question is one which I outlined in broad terms in a major article on this website very shortly after the election [here]. I am happy to report that Clive Jefferson's new Elections team is making good progress with the first stage of the practical implementation of our plans for future progress.
Much more good news on that front will be forthcoming in due course. For now though, let us come back to the equally crucial point that there is more than coming to power and then being able to use it effectively than simply winning elections.
For a start, there is the fact that a nationalist party whose strength is purely in the ballot box can be painlessly and effortlessly denied its democratic breakthrough by the simple expedient of being banned.
Please note that this is not in any way a call for or some coded hint in favour of armed insurrection or terrorism. Such schoolboy nonsense is not for us, indeed, it is not for anybody in the near total surveillance state which is modern Britain.
Rather, it is a simple fact of recent history that tyrannies (and the EU and its puppet regime in Westminster are tyrannies, albeit at present chocolate coated ones with pink fluffy camouflage on their weapons of coercion) are overthrown not by tiny secretive and violent minorities (the Bolshevik model), nor by ballot-paper wielding majorities (the naive model).
Far more common are mass street protests, often characterised by the wearing of a symbolic colour, backed up by strike action in key sectors such as transport and power. Invariably these are legitimised either by prior but undemocratically frustrated electoral success for the opposition, or by the regime's obdurate refusal to allow elections that they know they would lose. Very often there is also sufficient sympathy for the protesters within the low and middle levels of the army that even that last resort of the tyrant is not an option to the regime.
It is perhaps reasonable to assume that, in a state with a far longer history of genuinely democratic institutions and a residual higher than usual respect for the rule of law, the mere possibility or threat of such mass popular action would be enough to force the parties of a democratically defeated internationalist system to go quietly.
That would certainly fit in with the British political tradition, and remains a possibility, but it is absurd to believe that anything less would compel the Establishment to respect the wishes of the British people to undo the slow motion PC revolution of recent decades.
What Is Needed to Run the Country?
There is also the question of running the country having been elected to do so. A future electoral victory may be registered with a majority at Westminster, or by a pan-European coalition of nationalists in the EU Parliament. In either case, the number of people required to represent and put into legislation the wishes of millions of voters would only be a few hundred.
But to apply that legislation would take several hundred thousand people. Whatever the constitutional fiction, the modern state is not run and directed by elected representatives. The real power to apply or frustrate the will of the majority lies with the civil servants who brief Ministers and put their wishes into action - or not, with the programme controllers and editors who decide what the public hear and see, or with the teachers who shape the minds of the next generation of voters.
This is why even a successful electoral takeover, in itself, cannot be enough to replace even the most disastrously bad internationalist puppet regime with a nationalist one. For if the real levers of power remain in the hands of individuals who remain ideologically committed to the old order of liberal multi-culturalism and corporate greed, then new laws will simply be ignored, much needed reforms will be botched or stalled, and even basic and popular electoral pledges are likely to be unfulfilled.
The Libertarian Alliance spokesman Dr. Sean Gabb has written persuasively on this subject in his must-read book Cultural Revolution, Culture War - how conservatives lost England and how to get it back, which includes some thoroughly practical proposals for dealing with this problem. This includes simply adopting a slash and burn approach to vast swathes of the machinery of the PC and tax-eating servile state. This would not only radically cut the tax bill, but also drastically reduce the number of positions of bureaucratic influence which the incoming nationalist government would have to fill.
Counter-revolution
Even with the adoption of such a strategy, however, there are still a huge number of posts that would have to be filled - or at least overseen - by committed nationalists in order to translate a short-lived electoral triumph into the power and long-term influence needed to push through the broad spectrum nationalist counter-revolution that is the only antidote to the destructive left-liberal cultural and political coup d'etat of recent decades.
Where are we to find the skilled and experienced manpower to do this? To an extent by dint of the fact that the level of public support sufficient to allow us an electoral victory would also be reflected in the attitudes of the people who run the country. But we cannot rely on that alone.
For it is one thing to vote for a radical party at a crisis election, and quite another to play an active role in undoing decades of brainwashing and deliberate destruction. The backbone of the nationalist revolution must therefore be provided by trained cadres, committed nationalists who are not only ideologically sound but also have practical experience of running organisations, handling budgets, training teachers or whatever field they are needed to sort out.
The ideological training can be provided relatively easily through internal party institutions, but the practical experience can only be obtained by years of work before the Great Day in our own parallel institutions. Community organisations, trade union branches, indigenous civil rights campaigns, alternative media outlets and similar counter-culture initiatives examined in brief below, are thus not just of value in their own right during our rise to power. They are also needed to provide the training grounds for people and the testing grounds for ideas and tactics which will be needed to wield that power successfully afterwards.
These are the facts of real politics, and anyone who denies them with fantasies of a fair and honest Establishment allowing us a steady and unimpeded electoral rise to power is either a naïve fool or a plant trying to lead us into a blind alley.
Having established these points, it is time to move from big picture strategy and look at where we are now in purely practical terms.
Two Different Kinds of Progress
In brief, the rise of the BNP will in due course be divided into two parts by movement historians. The first, from 1999 to the beginning of 2008, for all that it also saw some significant organisational steps forward in relative terms, was essentially a narrative of political advances. The second, from 2008 through to now, despite including the greatest political breakthrough so far with two MEPs elected, will be seen to have been significant overwhelmingly on account of the giant leaps forward in terms of central administrative organisation.
How did this come to pass? In brief, back at the start of 2008 I agreed on behalf of the BNP a contract with a professional fund-raising and management firm, the Midas Consultancy. Run by a fiery Ulster Scot with extensive campaigning experience in the pro-life movement, this has revolutionised the party's central structure over the last two years.
Our fund-raising has soared from a couple of hundred thousand pounds a year to a staggering £1.6 million last year. Various measures to show our members they are truly valued has cut our annual drop-out rate for a shocking 70% per year at the start of that period to a mere 17% per annum last year. The money that Jim Dowson has saved us through his cost-cutting advice and stopping people ripping us off has more than covered the total cost of his professional fees.
As a direct result, we have been able to invest in innovations such as a hugely sophisticated database of members and supporters, our Call and Dispatch Centre in Belfast, effective staff monitoring to ensure that we get value for members' money, and accountancy procedures which give us the same level of financial oversight and transparency as a multi-national corporation, have transformed the effectiveness of the party centre.
The last key pieces of the jigsaw are now being put into place. Perhaps the most important is that, we have just had our first full year of not just having our financial affairs in order in accountancy terms but also of having absolutely every single transaction entered electronically as it has happened.
This means that, for the first time ever in the history of British nationalism, we not only can show that our financial affairs are conducted with complete probity, we are also now in the position to use that full year's figures to work out cash flow forecasts and budgets for the future and to plan ahead, rather than constantly working by guesswork and living from hand-to-mouth.
To anyone with serious business experience this may all sound fairly basic, but for a political organisation, staffed and run by people used to working with politics and ideals, this is a huge step forward.
A Dedicated Team for Staff
The second huge advance which will start to kick in shortly is that we have finally created a team, headed by popular persecuted BNP teacher Adam Walker, backed by Solidarity trade union's employment law specialist Patrick Harrington (who himself is a nationalist old hand who achieved national prominence over his brave and successful fight as a young student against the bigots of the far-left for the right to an education at the University of North London), to put the management and motivation of our staff on a professional footing.
Very early in the Midas contract, Jim Dowson and I decided that we had to get the party's administrative centre straight before working on ways to raise the efficiency of the BNP's regional and local operations. This work of dragging the party centre into the 21st century has not been easy.
The process of imposing even fairly basic commercial employment disciplines (such as time sheets and forward planners) on people who are at heart still political volunteers rather than paid administrative bureaucrats has not always been without friction. But it had to be done. I do not believe that I, or any other party leader, has the right to waste members' money employing individuals who are lazy, incompetent or insubordinate.
Fortunately, while there are still some minor failings to address and gaps to fill, the work of professionalising the central administration is now more or less done. Which means that it is now time to move on to the even bigger job of professionalising our regional and local structure.
This too has to be done. I dread to think, for example, how many members we have failed to sign up in the past because we spend so much of our time in heavy politics to grasp that most people don't get involved in a cause on account of careful consideration of political literature, but because they pick up the enthusiasm and follow the example of a friend who is already involved and who invites them to a social occasion where they suddenly find that they belong and feel at home.
I shudder at the thought of how many new recruits have dropped out after a year because their local organiser didn't bother to contact them or failed to involve them in suitable meetings or activities.
Did you know that, for all our years of canvassing, we have never instituted a programme to train canvassers in elementary sales techniques such as how to overcome objections and to 'close the deal'? Incredible, isn't it? But don't these facts also show how much so far unfilled potential there is just waiting to be tapped?
Once again, however, it won't be easy. There will of course be resistance from the conscious opposition infiltrators and grasses whose job it is not only to provide the inside tidbits that so often grace the pages of Searchlight, but also to agitate against any development that is good for the party.
And we will also get trouble from those individuals will be unable to cope with moves to efficiency or who will resent the monitoring and the targets that will follow the explanations and the training we will provide.
The problem is that we have to break through such personally motivated negativity if our party is truly to become the super efficient machine we need to overcome the thoroughly underhand treatment we all have to endure at the hands of our opponents.
This is the key reason for my decision to step down as party leader at the start of 2014. It gives me a tight three year schedule in which to oversee and take the inevitable flak that will arise from this essential modernisation programme. It is going to make me very unpopular among those officials who cannot or will not raise their game. But it has to be done, and we cannot afford to wait any longer.
My remaining job as the leader who has made this party a winner is to clear the decks and build the organisational superstructure for my successor (who, incidentally, contrary to black propaganda put out by our far-left opponents and those with personal axes to grind, will neither be a member of my family or a recently promoted youngster, however able). This, rather than the political progress made so far, is the real legacy that I intend to create and hand on to the next in the hot seat.
With that done it is then my intention to concentrate completely on my North West constituency in the run-up to the European Elections in June 2014, and hopefully to go on to lead the larger BNP group that is going to be at the centre of a more powerful nationalist resistance block within the European Parliament.
Fighting the EU Superstate
For the plan to create and impose the EU superstate is now so far advanced that it is increasingly likely that the combination of electoral pressure and mass action visualised above as our most likely route to power will not come about at the level of isolated individual nations, but simultaneously across the whole of Europe.
After all, even before the advent of the broadcast media, the national revolutions of 1848 and the Bolshevik ones of 1917 swept across Europe like wildfire, as did later upheavals such as 1968 and the collapse of the Soviet bloc in 1989.
Most significant of all, while the latter two waves of protest and upheaval rolled from one end of the continent to another partly with the help of now old-fasioned broadcast media, they lacked the huge advantage of websites, social networking and mobile phones which are likely to be the main weapons of the freedom fighters of the coming anti-federalist backlash.
All of which makes it at least possible that our liberation from EUrabia - and the simultaneous collapse of what will by then be its totally discredited puppet regimes at a national level - will not come about through our efforts in the UK alone, but through co-ordinated action right across the new Evil Empire.
But, of course, such great moments in history don't just happen, they have to be made to happen. And that's not just by the briefly awakened and momentarily brave crowds who throng the streets and the polling booths at the moments of highest drama. More important still are those who do the groundwork and sow the seeds of organised dissent while the Crowd is still asleep or turning away in fear from the tyrants.
That is our historic role and mission. It is rarely dramatic, and it is never easy. But what needs to be done is clear enough, and so is our collective determination to do it.
My Plans for the Next Three Years - and How YOU Can Help
Exactly what that means in terms of my plans for the British National Party over the next three years will appear in a major article in the forthcoming edition of Identity (sent free to all BNP members).
In the meantime, the starting point has to be to concentrate on turning as many as possible of our 10,000 General Election follow-ups into new members, because plans need people to become reality.
They need to be telephoned by locals to follow up the calls they've already had from our Call Centre. They need to be visited by existing BNP members remarkably like them. Most of all, they need to be invited, and gently dragged, to small-scale social gatherings as near to their homes as possible.
They want to belong, but they are scared of the images conjured up even in thoroughly sympathetic brains by years of media brainwashing.
It may seem a strange way to end this essay that began with heavyweight concepts like the Convergence of Catastrophes, but the way around that is not to try to take them straight away to a noisy political rally, but to hand them a plate by the barbeque and to give them a beer.
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